The development of the Soviet Union in the pre-war years took place in a complex international situation. The presence of hotbeds of tension in Europe and the Far East, the secret preparation of the countries of the capitalist world for the Second World War, the coming to power in Germany of a fascist-leaning party clearly testified that the international situation was actively and rapidly approaching a military conflict.

During the period between the end of the first and the beginning of the second world war, qualitative changes took place in the balance of power in the world community: the emergence of the first socialist state, the aggravation of contradictions between the world metropolises and the colonies, the restoration and new rapid economic growth of the defeated in the first world war and dissatisfied with his position in the world states - Germany. The consequence of these changes in the international arena was a change in the nature of the approaching conflict. From the dispute between the imperialist powers over the redivision of the world, which, according to V.I. Lenin, there was the First World War, the approaching war was supposed to turn into an arena of opposition and collision of the interests of both imperialist states among themselves and the entire bloc with a state of a different socio-economic formation - the Soviet Union. It is this circumstance, in our opinion, that determined the policy of the leading capitalist states and the USSR on the eve of the Second World War.

2. The participation of the USSR in international events preceding the Second World War.

2.1 The struggle of the Soviet Union to prevent war. Development of relations with capitalist states on the eve of the conflict.

Let us now see how events developed in international politics on the eve of the Second World War.

It is possible, in our opinion, to start the countdown of events from 1933, as the date of the coming to power in Germany of the Nazi National Socialist Party, headed by A. Hitler, who already in 1934 concentrated in his hands all the power in the country, combining at the same time Chancellor and Fuhrer posts. The fascists established a dictatorship in the country, a reactionary regime, annulled the Versailles Peace Treaty, which did not suit this rapidly developing imperialist power, and began active preparations for a war for the redivision of the world.

In the same period (30s), there was a significant intensification of Italian foreign policy, in which fascism was the dominant ideology since 1922, its influence on the balance of power in the world community increased.

One of the first acts of aggression committed by these states was the seizure in 1935 - 36. Ethiopia and the establishment of a fascist regime there.

In 1936-37, Germany, Japan and Italy concluded an "anti-Comintern pact", which marked the beginning of the formation of new military blocs, further advancement towards a military conflict, and also testified to manifestations of fascist aggression against the USSR.

Thus, the most dangerous hotbed of a future war has emerged in the Center of Europe.

At this time, the political circles of England, the USA, France pursued a policy of encouraging Germany, trying to direct her aggression against the Soviet Union. This policy was carried out both on the world stage and within the states themselves. For example, in almost all countries a campaign was waged against the USSR, the idea of ​​a "growing Soviet danger" and the idea of ​​"Russian military preparations" were actively promoted. In foreign policy, the British and French leaders, as the documents testify, were solving the problem of how to ward off the threat of German aggression and defuse the energy of Nazism and expansion to the East.

In this situation, the USSR comes up with proposals to ensure peace and collective security. In response to the policy of the capitalist states, our country is taking the following steps:

1933 - establishment of diplomatic relations with the United States.

1934 - The USSR joins the League of Nations, where it comes up with its proposals for the creation of a system of collective security and resistance to the conquerors, who, however, do not find support. At the beginning of 1934, the Soviet Union came up with a convention on the definition of the attacking side (aggressor), which emphasized that aggression is an invasion of the territory of another country with or without a declaration of war, as well as bombing the territory of other countries, attacks on sea vessels, blockade shores or ports. The governments of the leading powers reacted coldly to the Soviet project. However, Romania, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan, and later Finland, signed this document in the USSR.

1935 - the signing of a mutual assistance pact by France, Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union. This pact could have played a significant role in preventing Hitler's aggression, however, at the insistence of France, a reservation was introduced into this treaty. Its essence was that military assistance to Czechoslovakia from the USSR could be provided only if France also provided it. Soon it was this reservation and the indecision of the then government of Czechoslovakia that facilitated the aggression on the part of Germany.

Events began to take on particular acuteness in 1938, when Germany occupied Austria and included it in the Third Reich, intervened in the civil war in Spain, where it helped establish a fascist dictatorship, demanded that Czechoslovakia transfer the Sudetenland and annexed it after the Munich meeting approved this action. heads of government consisting of England, France, Germany, Italy, who decided to dismember Czechoslovakia, at which the USSR and Czechoslovakia were not present. This "Munich agreement" encouraged the aggressor and pushed him to further intensify actions, according to its conditions, about 20% of its territory was torn away from Czechoslovakia, where a quarter of the country's population lived and about half of the capacity of heavy industry was located.

The leaders of the capitalist states, continuing to support the fascist aggression, signed a number of non-aggression treaties with Germany (1938 - England and France).

Having untied his hands in this way, Hitler continued his aggression: in March 1939 he completely seized Czechoslovakia and seized the port of Klaipeda from Lithuania in favor of Germany. In April 1939, Italy invaded Albania.

The USSR, continuing its peaceful policy, did not recognize the occupation of Czechoslovakia and offered it military assistance, which the government of this country refused. France did not fulfill its obligations under the treaties on military assistance with this country and did not support it.

Thus, the foreign policy of the Soviet Union in 30. (until 1939) can be considered a model of striving to prevent war, to curb the aggressor. Our country acted as the most implacable and consistent enemy of fascism, exposed it, identified it with the war.

However, by the summer of 1939, the situation had changed, and the result of this change was the signing of the treaties of 23 August and 28 September 1939 and secret protocols to them, under which the USSR became almost a partner of Germany. What caused this turn of events? In our opinion, there were several such reasons.

First of all, it should be noted that the very situation that had developed on the world arena by the spring of 1939 objectively contributed to the fact that the Soviet Union could not continue its activities alone, and it had to take care of its safety, since by the spring of 1939 the second world war in its locally focal phase was already a reality. In the current military-political situation, the USSR had three alternatives: to reach a military agreement with France and Britain; stay alone; conclude an agreement with Germany. The most advantageous was the Anglo-Franco-Soviet agreement on mutual assistance directed against Nazi Germany. It would lead to the creation of a single anti-fascist coalition, effectively serve to deter the fascist aggressors and, possibly, prevent the outbreak of a world war.

In the summer of 1939, at the initiative of the Soviet side, negotiations began between the USSR - England - France on the conclusion of a mutual assistance pact and the creation of an anti-German coalition. At these negotiations, the Soviet Union came up with radical proposals to resolve the issue of collective security, but for the Western states, continuing the policy developed at the Munich meeting, these proposals turned out to be unacceptable. By August 20, the negotiations had reached an impasse and virtually failed. At the request of the British and French, a break was announced for an indefinite period, although both Moscow and London knew that the aggression against Poland was scheduled for the end of August. The USSR failed to come to an agreement with the Western powers. Both sides are to blame for this. But the guilt of the Western powers, especially England, is much greater than that of the Soviet Union. The Soviet side did not have enough restraint, it showed haste, overestimated the degree of hostility of the Western powers towards the USSR and the possibility of their collusion with Nazi Germany. The Western powers did not have a sincere desire to move towards rapprochement with the USSR, which can be explained, apparently, by various reasons, including fears of possible betrayal, and the inhuman internal policy of the Stalinist leadership, contrary to its assurances on the world stage, and an underestimation of its strength as a possible ally in the struggle against the fascist bloc, and a deep hostility to the country of a different socio - economic formation. The Western powers negotiated with the USSR primarily in order to exert pressure on Germany, to force her to make concessions to them, they tried to impose their own conditions on the Soviet Union, and neglected its interests. “The blame for the fact that it was not possible to create a broad alliance of England, France and the USSR, capable of restraining German ambitions,” admit the British researchers R. Haight, D. Maurice and A. Peters, “should be placed directly on the Western allies. , with which they resolved the major international crises of the 1930s, gradually undermined confidence in the cause of collective security ... French and British leaders consistently preferred to pacify Berlin, Rome and Tokyo rather than try to use Soviet power to defend international stability. "

Thus, by the beginning of the autumn of 1939, the Soviet Union failed to solve the problem of reaching a military agreement with Britain and France. It would be appropriate to emphasize the following here. At this time, Britain and France had already formalized their non-aggression agreements with Germany and, thus, objectively were in an advantageous position over the USSR.

However, despite the setback, the beginning of Anglo-French-Soviet contacts caused alarm among the leadership of Nazi Germany. It realized that the agreement on mutual assistance of the three great powers could be a serious obstacle to the expansionist plans outlined by Hitler, and began to make persistent efforts to prevent such an agreement.

Since May 1939, employees of the German Foreign Ministry, following Ribbentrop's instructions, repeatedly entered into contacts with representatives of the USSR in Berlin, various informal and official means made it clear about Germany's readiness to move closer to the USSR. Until mid-August 1939, while there was hope for an agreement with Britain and France, the Soviet government left the probe carried out by the German side unanswered, but at the same time closely followed its actions. For a long time, the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs Litvinov, who believed that no concessions to Nazi Germany should be made, played an important role in opposing the German "courtship of Moscow". However, in May 1939 he was removed from his post, where he was replaced by V.M. Molotov. Such a replacement could not go unnoticed and, probably, it testified to some changes in the orientation of the Soviet leadership. Therefore, the second reason that the union of the USSR and Germany became possible, in our opinion, is the personal ambitions and expansionist plans hatched by the Stalinist government. It seems to us that the kinship of these aspirations and Hitler's plans to conquer the world largely contributed to the signing of the illegal secret protocols of 1939.

As a continuation of German attempts to rapprochement with Moscow, in early July, the Soviet embassy in Berlin received an anonymous letter proposing the idea of ​​rehabilitating the 1926 treaty of neutrality or concluding a non-aggression treaty and borders. The German side, the letter said, proceeded from the assumption that both governments had a natural desire to restore their 1914 borders.In early August 1939, in a conversation with the Soviet envoy to Berlin Astakhov, Ribbentrop had already officially stated that to agree on all problems related to the territory from the Black Sea to the Baltic Sea. The Soviet side left these attempts at rapprochement unanswered. Apparently, Stalin wanted first to clarify what results could be obtained from the Anglo-Franco-Soviet negotiations.

It should be noted that the Germans had a backup course of action in case the Soviet leadership refused to accept Germany's proposals. In secret negotiations in mid-August, London and Berlin agreed on a trip on August 23 of the second-ranked leader of the "Third Reich" Goering to the British Isles for a secret meeting with Chamberlain. Judging by the documents, the two empires were going to work out a "historical compromise", ignoring the interests of not only the USSR, Poland and a number of other Eastern European countries, but even France.

On August 15, 1939, the German ambassador to Moscow F. Schulenburg asked for an urgent appointment with the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR V.M. Molotov. The ambassador read out a statement by Ribbentrop, in which it was proposed to settle all the existing controversial problems to the full satisfaction of both sides, for which the German foreign minister was ready to arrive in Moscow in the very near future. Although the statement did not openly talk about the solution of territorial issues, they were meant. This side of Soviet-German relations, along with the non-aggression pact and the intensification of trade with Germany, interested the Soviet government to the greatest extent.

The situation for the Soviet government was very difficult. It started a risky political game. Negotiations with Britain and France were still going on, but they reached a dead end. Germany, on the contrary, made concessions to the USSR, expressed its readiness to take into account its state interests, it even promised to influence Japan in order to normalize Soviet-Japanese relations, which was beneficial for the Soviet Union, since at that time there were fierce battles between Soviet and Japanese troops on the Khalkhin-Gol river. In such a situation, Stalin gave permission for Ribbentrop to come to Moscow.

The Soviet-German negotiations were carried out in conditions of political time pressure. On the night of August 23-24, 1939, in the presence of Stalin, Molotov and Ribbentrop signed hastily agreed Soviet-German documents: the Non-Aggression Pact, under which the parties pledged not to intervene in armed conflicts against each other within 10 years from the date of signing the document, and the Secret Protocol, under which Germany made a number of unilateral commitments:

In the event of a German-Polish armed conflict, German troops were not supposed to advance beyond the border of the Narew, Vistula, San rivers and not to invade Finland, Estonia and Latvia;

The question of preserving the unified Polish state or its dismemberment was to be resolved in the course of the further development of the political situation in the region;

Germany recognized the interest of the USSR in Bessarabia.

The non-aggression pact was published on August 24, 1939. The top leadership of the USSR did not inform either party or state bodies about the existence of a secret agreement. The Supreme Soviet of the USSR on August 31, 1939, without discussion, ratified only the text of the Non-Aggression Pact.

The news of the conclusion of the Soviet-German non-aggression pact came as a complete surprise not only for the world, but also for the Soviet community. It was difficult to comprehend the revolution that had taken place in relations between the USSR and Germany. After the signing of this treaty, London and Paris completely lost interest in the USSR and began to look for ways to get from Germany commitments for the future, stronger than those that it made during the Munich meeting. The documents indicate that the day after the signing of the non-aggression pact with Germany, Stalin, being in extreme uncertainty about Hitler's decency, tried to persuade Britain and France to continue the military Moscow negotiations. But there was no response to these proposals.

There are different points of view on the question of the need to sign a non-aggression pact with Germany.

Serious researchers - Soviet, Polish, British, West German and others - admit that on August 19-20, 1939, at the time of Stalin's consent to Ribbentrop's visit to Moscow to finally clarify Germany's intentions, the Soviet Union was left with no choice. Alone, the USSR could not prevent the war. He failed to find allies in the person of England and France. All that remained was to think about how not to fall into the maelstrom of the war, for which in 1939 the USSR was even less ready than in 1941.

True, there is another point of view on this score. Some historians believe that Germany in 1939 was also not ready for war with the USSR. Perhaps this is so, but at the same time it was impossible not to reckon with the very obvious probability of Berlin's deals with other Western powers against the Soviet Union.

Assessing the non-aggression pact from the standpoint of today, it can be noted that for the USSR it had both positive and negative consequences. Positive:

The Soviet Union avoided a war on two fronts, since the treaty created a crack in Japanese-German relations, deformed the terms of the anti-Comintern pact in favor of the USSR;

The line from which the Soviet Union could conduct its initial defense was moved several hundred kilometers from Leningrad, Minsk and other centers;

The treaty contributed to the deepening of the split of the capitalist world into two warring camps, thwarted the plans of the Western powers to send aggression to the east, and prevented their unification against the USSR. The Western powers were forced to reckon with the Soviet Union as a military and political power that had the right to define its interests on the political map of the world.

Negative:

The treaty undermined the morale of the Soviet people, the fighting efficiency of the army, lulls the vigilance of the military-political leadership of the USSR, disorientated the democratic, peace-loving forces, and, therefore, became one of the reasons for the failures of the Soviet side in the initial period of the Great Patriotic War;

The treaty provided fertile ground for accusations against the Soviet Union on the part of the Western powers of supporting the aggressor and unleashing a war;

For a long time it was considered a positive result of the conclusion of the Non-Aggression Pact that the USSR received about two years to prepare for war and strengthen its defenses. However, this time was used less effectively by the Soviet Union than by Germany, which increased its military potential to a greater extent in 22 months. If at the beginning of 1939 the military-political leadership of Germany assessed the Red Army as a very strong enemy, a collision with which was undesirable, then at the beginning of 1941 it already noted the weakness of the USSR Armed Forces, especially their command personnel.

The legal, political and historical assessment of the Secret Protocol attached to this treaty may, in our opinion, be more unambiguous and categorical. This protocol can be viewed as a great-power claim for "territorial and political reorganization" in the region, which, from a legal point of view, was in contradiction with the sovereignty and independence of a number of states. It did not comply with the treaties that the USSR had concluded with these countries earlier, with our obligations under all circumstances to respect their sovereignty, territorial integrity and inviolability. This protocol completely contradicted those official assurances about the abolition of secret diplomacy that the USSR leadership made for the world community, was a revision of the strategic course towards collective security and actually sanctioned an armed invasion of Poland.

Having untied her hands by signing a non-aggression pact and secret protocols, Germany attacked Poland on September 1, 1939.

England and France declared war on Germany, but did not provide effective military assistance to Poland and it was defeated.

The USSR and the USA declared their neutrality in the war.

On September 17, 1939, units of the Red Army entered the territory of Western Ukraine and Belarus, which was provided for by the provisions of the secret protocol.

And so, the second world war began.

At this time (end of September 1939), the leadership of the USSR, headed by Stalin and Molotov, crossed the border of reason in relations with Germany. On August 28, 1934, in Moscow, Molotov and Ribbentrop signed the Treaty of Friendship and Borders with several secret protocols attached to it, which, like the previous secret protocol, were not ratified. According to these documents, the spheres of influence of the USSR and Germany were changed, the borders of countries in Poland were determined, the parties agreed on economic cooperation and the prevention of agitation directed against the other side. The territory of the Lithuanian state was recognized as the sphere of interests of the USSR, provided that the current economic agreements between Germany and Lithuania would not be affected by the activities of the Government of the Soviet Union in this region. Simultaneously, the Lubelskie and Warsaw voivodeships were transferred to the German sphere of influence with the introduction of appropriate amendments to the dividing line. In one of the protocols, each side pledged not to allow "Polish agitation" aimed at the region of another country.

At the same negotiations, Molotov made a statement in which he substantiated the idea that it was unnecessary to fight fascism and the possibility of an ideological agreement with Germany. Together with Ribbentrop, he signed a note in which all responsibility for unleashing the war was shifted to England and France and stipulated that, if these countries continued to participate in the war, the USSR and Germany would consult on military issues.

The assessment of these agreements, in our opinion, should be unambiguous. If the conclusion of a non-aggression pact in the minds of the Soviet people was justified by the need to avoid participation in the war, then the signing of the Treaty of Friendship and Borders between the USSR and Germany was completely unnatural. This document was signed after the occupation of Poland and, consequently, became an agreement concluded with the country that committed an open act of aggression. He questioned, if not undermined, the status of the USSR as a neutral party and pushed our country into unscrupulous cooperation with Nazi Germany.

In our opinion, this agreement was not necessary at all. The change in the separation of interests, recorded in the secret additional protocol, could be formalized in a completely different way. However, motivated by the strengthening of personal power, Stalin went at the end of September to major political and moral costs in order to consolidate, as he believed, Hitler in a position of mutual understanding, not with the USSR, but with him personally. It should be admitted that Stalin's craving for parallel actions with Germany, which had become firmly established since the end of September, expanded the freedom of maneuver of the Nazi leadership, including in the implementation of a number of military operations.

Thus, in modern historical science, the Treaty of Friendship and Frontiers of September 28, 1939 is assessed sharply negatively. The conclusion of this treaty should be considered a mistake by the then leadership of the USSR. The treaty and everything that followed it in the media and in practical politics disarmed the Soviet people spiritually, contradicted the will of the people, Soviet and international legislation, and undermined the international authority of the USSR.

Summing up the story about the Soviet-German treaties of August 23 and September 28, 1939, it should be noted that, according to the conclusions of the Commission of the Congress of People's Deputies, the Non-Aggression Pact on the Treaty of Friendship and Borders lost its force at the time of the German attack on the USSR, and secret protocols , as signed in violation of the current Soviet legislation and the norms of international law, are invalid from the moment of signing.

After the signing of the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation and secret protocols, the Soviet Union began to unswervingly implement all of their provisions. In addition to the moral damage caused to the Soviet people by the terms of these documents, the practical activities of the Soviet leadership caused great damage to the country. For example, dissatisfaction among the anti-fascists living in the USSR was caused by certain unfriendly actions of the government towards some of them. So, in the fall of 1939, orphanage No. 6, which had been created earlier especially for the children of German political emigrants, was closed in Moscow. In early 1940, several groups of German and Austrian anti-fascists were handed over to the German authorities, who were repressed in the 30s and were under investigation or imprisonment. In most cases, this was done against the will of the transmitted. In addition, there were many cases of reprisals against Soviet citizens conducting anti-fascist propaganda. After the introduction, under the terms of the last Treaty, of the Red Army on the territory of Western Ukraine and Belarus, Lithuania and Poland, repressions began there, the imposition of command and administrative methods of leadership, the suppression of the national movement in these areas.

From 1939 to 1941, almost until the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, the external rapprochement between Germany and the Soviet Union continued. The USSR, up to the German attack in 1941, strictly observed all the conditions of the agreements it signed. So he did not participate in the events of 1940 -1941, when Hitler subjugated almost all European states, including France, and defeated the European contingent of British troops. Soviet diplomacy did everything to postpone the war and avoid waging it on two fronts, in order to give the USSR to prepare for war. For example, in 1941 the following were signed:

A note with Turkey in which both parties committed themselves to remain neutral;

Non-aggression pact with Japan.

However, these measures could not solve the main task of foreign policy and prevent war.

After 1933, two opposing camps began to emerge more and more clearly in the world. On the one hand, these are fascist regimes with clearly conquering goals led by Germany. On the other hand, these are anti-fascist forces led by the USSR. The capitalist countries of the West - France and Great Britain - occupied a special niche in the system of contradictory international relations. The contradictions and international relations of the developed countries of the world on the eve of World War II will be discussed in this lesson.

On the third side was the Soviet Union, which created in Europe “ collective security system", Not wanting to involve himself in a military conflict on anyone's side, but constantly watching the actions of German fascism and Anglo-French politics.

In the late 1930s. the world was shocked by an unprecedented disregard for international law and laws.

In March 1938, German troops crossed the border with Austria and occupied this country, annexing it to Germany. Happened Anschluss Austria, to which the world community for the most part turned a blind eye. At the same time, Hitler made claims to the Czechoslovak region of the Sudetenland, where the majority of the population were Germans. Czechoslovakia was under the threat of a military invasion. The USSR offered to help Prague, but for this it had to lead its troops through Poland, relations with which were very bad. As a result, the world community first forced Prague to surrender the Sudetenland, and then, in the fall of the same 1938, dismembered Czechoslovakia itself. In the fall of 1938, the heads of 4 states - Germany, France, Italy and England - gathered in Munich. Following " the policy of appeasement"England and France gave independent Czechoslovakia to Hitler, thus predetermining its fate. This agreement went down in history as “ Munich Agreement". Czechoslovakia was divided between Germany (most of it), Poland and Hungary. British Prime Minister returned to London Chamberlain self-confidently declared to the British: (Fig. 2) .


Rice. 2. "I brought you peace" ()

In the Far East, the Japanese army occupied the eastern coast of China and staged provocations against the USSR in 1938 on Lake Hasan and in 1939 on the Khalkhin-Gol river in Mongolia, which the Soviet Union promised to defend from the Japanese. Both military provocations were broken by the Red Army.

Seeing the heating up situation in Europe and the world, the USSR invites the countries of the West - England and France - to go for rapprochement, thereby opposing, as in the First World War, Germany, realizing that she will not be able to fight on two fronts. Such a proposal could not satisfy the British and French, since their policy was aimed at deploying Hitler's predatory aspirations to the East - Poland, the USSR, the Balkans. Making concession after concession, believing that Germany would never turn force against them for “turning a blind eye” to violating all international laws, the British and French were badly mistaken.

Seeing that Britain and France do not want to conclude agreements on mutual assistance, the USSR begins to pursue its policy, not looking back at the countries of the West. Overnight, he changes his foreign policy orientation and 23 August 1939 signs Non-aggression pact with Germany(Fig. 3), thereby turning Hitler from East to West, gaining a couple of years for himself to prepare for war, since in Moscow, few doubted that sooner or later a war with Germany would take place. This was a decisive move in the world political system. Western countries, pandering to Germany, themselves became hostages of such a system.

Rice. 3. After the signing of the Non-Aggression Pact between the USSR and Germany ()

1. Aleksashkina L.N. General history. XX - early XXI century. - M .: Mnemosina, 2011.

2. Zagladin N.V. General history. XX century. Textbook for grade 11. - M .: Russian word, 2009.

3. Plenkov O.Yu., Andreevskaya TP, Shevchenko S.V. General history. Grade 11 / Ed. Myasnikova V.S. - M., 2011.

1. Read Chapter 11 of the textbook by LN Aleksashkina. General history. XX - early XXI century and answer questions 3-6 on p. 122.

2. What was the essence of the "policy of appeasement"?

3. Why did the rapprochement between Germany and the USSR become possible?

Introduction

The Second World War was the largest military conflict in the history of mankind. More than 60 states with a population of 1.7 billion people took part in it. The hostilities took place on the territory of 40 countries. The total number of the fighting armies amounted to more than 110 million people, military spending - more than 1384 billion dollars. The scale of human losses and destruction turned out to be unprecedented. More than 60 million people died in the war, including 12 million in death camps: the USSR lost more than 26 million, Germany - approx. 6 million, Poland - 5.8 million, Japan - approx. 2 million, Yugoslavia - approx. 1.6 million, Hungary - 600 thousand, France - 570 thousand, Romania - approx. 460 thousand, Italy - approx. 450 thousand, Hungary - approx. 430 thousand, the USA, Great Britain and Greece - 400 thousand each, Belgium - 88 thousand, Canada - 40 thousand. Material damage is estimated at 2600 billion dollars. The dire consequences of the war intensified the worldwide tendency towards rallying in order to prevent new military conflicts, the need to create a more effective system of collective security than the League of Nations. Its expression was the establishment in April 1945 of the United Nations. The question of the outbreak of World War II is the subject of an acute historical struggle, since it is the question of guilt in the most serious crime against humanity. There are several points of view on this issue. On the issue of the causes of World War II, Soviet science gave an unequivocal answer that the culprit was the militaristic countries of the "Axis" with the support of other capitalist countries. Western historical science accuses countries of kindling war: Germany, Italy, Japan. Modern researchers of this problem consider the entire range of documents available now and come to the conclusion that it is unlawful to blame only one country.

The situation in the world on the eve of World War II

For two decades after the First World War, acute economic, socio-political and national problems have accumulated in the world, especially in Europe.

As in the 19th century, one of the main geopolitical problems of Europe was the objective desire of a significant part of Germans who historically lived in addition to Germany: in Austria, Czechoslovakia, France, to unite in a single national state. In addition, Germany, which, according to many German politicians, experienced national humiliation after the defeat in the First World War, sought to regain the lost positions of a world power. Thus, especially favorable conditions were created for a new wave of growth of German expansionism.

The rivalry of other powers also persisted, their desire to redistribute the spheres of influence in the world. World economic crises of the 20-30s. accelerated the growth of military-political confrontation in the world. Realizing this, many politicians and statesmen in Europe, America and Asia sincerely sought to prevent or at least postpone the war. In the 1930s, negotiations were under way to create a collective security system, and agreements on mutual assistance and non-aggression were concluded. And at the same time, two opposing blocs of powers were gradually but steadily taking shape in the world again. The core of one of them was Germany, Italy and Japan, which openly sought to solve their internal economic, social, political and national problems through territorial seizures and plunder of other countries. The second bloc, which was based on England, France and the United States, supported by large and small countries, adhered to a policy of containment.

It is known from the entire previous history of mankind that under these conditions it was historically inevitable and normal in the pre-nuclear era to resolve the conflict of interests of the great powers through war. In this respect, the Second World War differed from the First World War only by the increased scale of hostilities and the associated disasters of peoples, and it is often presented as another round or a rematch in the struggle of old geopolitical opponents. However, along with the obvious similarities between the First and Second World Wars, there were significant differences.

Almost all Germans believed that in 1919 their country was treated unfairly. And it was expected that when Germany adopted the Fourteen Points and became a democratic republic, the war would be forgotten and mutual recognition of rights would take place. She had to pay reparations; she was forcibly disarmed; part of the territory she lost, in other parts were the troops of the allies. Almost all of Germany was eager to get rid of the Treaty of Versailles, and few saw the difference between annulling that treaty and restoring the dominant role that Germany had played in Europe before its defeat. Germany was not alone. Hungary, too, was dissatisfied with the peace settlement, although its dissatisfaction mattered little. Italy, being seemingly among the victors, came out of the war almost empty-handed — or so it seemed to her; the Italian dictator Mussolini, a former socialist, called it a proletarian country. In the Far East, Japan, also among the victors, looked increasingly disapprovingly at the superiority of the British Empire and the United States. And, in truth, Soviet Russia, having joined, in the end, those who defended the status quo, was nevertheless unhappy with the territorial losses it suffered at the end of the First World War. But the main driving force among the disaffected was Germany, and Adolf Hitler has become its spokesman since he entered the political arena.

All these grievances and claims were not dangerous in the 1920s, in the short period of restoration of the pre-war economic order, with more or less unlimited foreign trade, stable currency, private enterprises, into whose activities the state hardly interfered. But this recovery was destroyed by a large-scale economic crisis that broke out in 1929. A catastrophic decline in foreign trade began, massive unemployment - over 2 million unemployed in England, 6 million in Germany and 15 million in the United States. A sharp currency crisis in 1931 - with the abolition of the gold standard - shook the sacred pound sterling. In the face of this storm, countries have concentrated their activities within their own national systems; and the more intensively it happened, the more industrially developed the country was. In 1931, the German mark ceased to be a freely convertible currency, and the country switched to barter foreign trade. In 1932 Great Britain, traditionally adhering to the principle of free trade, set protective tariffs and soon extended them to its colonies. In 1933, the newly elected President Roosevelt devalued the dollar and, independently of other countries, began to pursue a policy of economic recovery.

The economic struggle began largely unexpectedly. At first it was a struggle of all against all, then its character changed and the division of the world intensified. Soviet Russia has always been a closed economic system, although this did not save it from the consequences of the global crisis. Some other great powers, most notably the United States, as well as the British and French empires, could, at worst, get by with internal resources. Germany, Japan and other large industrial powers lost: they could not provide for themselves, they needed imported raw materials, but the crisis deprived them of the opportunity to receive it in a normal way through foreign trade. Those who ruled the economies in these countries, undoubtedly, felt that their countries were suffocating and it was necessary to create their own economic empires. The Japanese chose the simplest path and sent their troops first to Manchuria, and then to the coastal regions of China. But Germany, still bound in the early 1930s by the Treaty of Versailles, did not have such an easy way out. She had to fight economically; this increased her isolation, the autarky imposed by the will of circumstances.

At first, the leaders of Germany were reluctant to wage an economic struggle, then in January 1933 Hitler came to power. He took autarchy as a blessing. Subsequently, there was debate about what gave birth to Hitler and the movement of National Socialism that he led. The economic ill-being of the country brought Hitler to power, but his struggle against the Treaty of Versailles had already created a certain reputation for him. In his opinion, the crisis in Germany was caused by defeat, and the means that will help to overcome the crisis will lead Germany to a political victory. Autarchy will strengthen Germany for political victories, which in turn will contribute to the further development of autarchy.

Here, until the Second World War, there was a latent contradiction. The USA and England regretted the need to wage an economic struggle, considered it a temporary matter. For the Japanese and Germans, economic strife was a constant factor and the only way to become great powers. This led to paradoxical consequences. Usually, the stronger power is more aggressive, more restless, because it is convinced that it is able to capture more than it has.

The outbreak of World War II was preceded by the aggressive actions of Japan, Italy and Germany in various regions of the world. The countries of the fascist-militarist bloc, united by the "axis" Berlin-Rome-Tokyo, embarked on the path of implementing a broad program of conquest. For various reasons, the initiatives of the Soviet Union aimed at creating a system of collective security did not receive the support of Britain and France and did not lead to the achievement of an agreed policy of containing aggression. Having sealed the Hitlerite diktat with their signatures in Munich, Chamberlain and Daladier pronounced the death sentence on Czechoslovakia (September 1938).

In the early years of the so-called peaceful existence, the USSR fought for the establishment of more or less acceptable diplomatic relations with capitalist countries. During the 1920s and 1930s, not only economic, but also political importance was attached to foreign trade.

1934 - The USSR joins the League of Nations, where it comes up with its proposals for the creation of a system of collective security and resistance to the conquerors, who, however, do not find support. At the beginning of 1934, the Soviet Union came up with a convention on the definition of the attacking side (aggressor), which emphasized that aggression is an invasion of the territory of another country with or without a declaration of war, as well as bombing the territory of other countries, attacks on sea vessels, blockade shores or ports. The governments of the leading powers reacted coldly to the Soviet project. However, Romania, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan, and later Finland, signed this document in the USSR. In the 30s, the Soviet government actively developed relations with fascist Germany, which grew into active activities to organize a collective rebuff to aggressive fascist states. The idea of ​​creating a system of collective security and the practical work of Soviet diplomacy were highly appreciated and recognized by the progressive world community. Joining the League of Nations in 1934, the conclusion of allied treaties with France and Czechoslovakia in 1935, appeals and specific actions in support of one of the countries subjected to aggression - Ethiopia, diplomatic and other assistance to the legitimate republican government of Spain during the Italian-German intervention, readiness to provide military assistance under the treaty of Czechoslovakia against Nazi Germany in 1938., finally, a sincere desire to develop joint measures to support aggression on the eve of World War II - this is a brief chronicle of the consistent struggle of the Soviet Union for peace and security.

The fragility and inferiority of Versailles. Washington system, the origins of the new confrontation. The economic crisis and the "Great" depression, its consequences for world politics. - "Closing" the leading powers on internal problems - The coming of the fascists to power in Germany - The beginning of aggressive actions aimed at revising the Versailles-Washington system. Fascism as a phenomenon of the world history of the twentieth century. "Popular fronts" in Spain and France - resistance to fascism. F. Roosevelt's "New Deal" as an Alternative to Fascism and Communism.

The reason for the collapse of the Versailles system. Relative stability in Europe. Calmness of the European powers. Each country is acting alone. The return of the United States to a policy of isolation. The beginning of the Japanese aggression against China. Germany's demand to revise the Versailles-Washington Treaty. The policy of "appeasement" of Germany and the direction of the threat to the East against the "communist threat" German occupation of the Saar region. in 1935 Capture of the Rhineland in 1936

Japanese aggression 1931 - capture of Manchuria 1933 - withdrew from the League of Nations 1937 - invasion of North China 1938 - invasion of Mongolia 1938 July-August armed conflict on the territory of the USSR in the area of ​​Lake Khasan 1939 - battles near the Khalkhin River Gol Hirohito - 124 emperor 1926 - 1989

Khasan A small freshwater lake in the Russian Federation, in the south of Primorsky Krai. Located southeast of Posiet Bay, not far from the border with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, 130 km southwest of Vladivostok. The lake went down in the history of Russia thanks to the military operation in the area, as a result of which in August 1938 the Soviet troops defeated the Japanese military units that had invaded the territory of the USSR.

Khalkhin - Gol An armed conflict (undeclared war) that lasted from spring to autumn 1939 near the Khalkhin-Gol river in Mongolia The final battle took place in late August and ended with the complete defeat of the 6th separate army of Japan. The armistice between the USSR and Japan was concluded on September 15.

German aggression Adolf Hitler - Reich Chancellor 1933 -1945 Fuhrer 1934 -1945 Re-militarization of Germany 1933 - Withdrew from the League of Nations 1934 - Creation of a military organization 1935 - Introduction of universal conscription 1936 - Introduction of troops into the Rhine Demilitarized Zone 1936 -1937 - Conclusion of the Anti-Comintern Pact 1938 - Accession Austria September 1938 - Munich Agreement 23 August 1939 - Non-Aggression Pact

In November 1936, Germany and Japan concluded the "Anti-Comintern Pact" on the joint struggle against communism. In 1937 Italy joined it. This is how the "Berlin-Rome-Tokyo" ("axis countries") axis was formed.

Anschluss of Austria The idea of ​​unification of Austria with Germany and specifically the annexation of Austria by Germany on March 11-12, 1938. Austrian independence was restored in April 1945

30.09.1938 "Munich Agreement" and the occupation of the Sudetenland. ... Spring 1939 - Invasion of Czechoslovakia

Conciliation policy A special kind of foreign military policy of peace-loving states, based on compromises and concessions to the aggressor in the hope of keeping him from using extreme measures and breaking the peace. Historical experience has shown that such policies usually did not produce the expected results. On the contrary, most often it encouraged a potential aggressor to take more decisive actions and, ultimately, entailed an undermining of the international security system. A typical example of this is the Munich Agreement of 1938, which did not stop Nazi Germany, but, on the contrary, pushed it to unleash World War II.

An attempt to unite against fascist aggression. 1934, joining the League of Nations of the USSR. 1934 "Eastern Pact" between the USSR and France on collective security in Europe. The Munich Agreement put an end to the Eastern Pact. France's refusal to help Czechoslovakia put the USSR in a difficult position. April 1939, the capture of Albania by Italy. An attempt at negotiations between the USSR, France and Britain in 1939 ended in nothing. The USSR found itself in isolation. On August 23, 1939, the forced signing of a non-aggression treaty with Germany by the USSR.

Non-aggression pact Non-aggression pact between Germany and the Soviet Union - "Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact". It was concluded on 23 August 1939 The treaty was signed by the foreign ministers: from the side of the Soviet Union - V. M. Molotov, from the side of Germany - I. von Ribbentrop. The treaty was accompanied by a secret additional protocol on the delimitation of spheres of mutual interests in Eastern Europe

Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov Soviet politician and statesman, Hero of Socialist Labor (1943) Head of the Soviet government in 1930-1941 People's Commissar and Minister of Foreign Affairs (1939-1949, 1953-1956). In the 1930s - 1940s, according to the hierarchy of Soviet party bodies, including the Politburo, the second person in the country after Stalin. One of the main organizers of political repression during the construction of an industrial society in the USSR.

Joa chim von Rie bbentrop Adolf Hitler's foreign policy adviser In February 1938 he was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. On this occasion, as an exception, he received the Order of the German Eagle. Immediately after his appointment, he achieved the admission of all employees of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the SS. He himself often appeared at work in the uniform of an SS Gruppenfuehrer.

Soviet-Finnish War Armed conflict between the USSR and Finland in the period from November 30, 1939 to March 12, 1940. According to a number of historians - the offensive operation of the USSR against Finland during the Second World War. In Soviet and part of Russian historiography, this war was viewed as a separate bilateral local conflict that was not part of the Second World War, just like the battles on the Khalkhin-Gol River. The war ended with the signing of the Moscow Peace Treaty, which recorded the separation from Finland of a significant part of its territory.

Three groups of states on the eve of World War II Comparison lines Participants of the Tripartite Pact Great Britain, France, USA USSR Foreign policy goals Redistribution of the world and Preservation of world domination. existing Fight against the world order. communism Counteraction to communism Strengthening the international positions of the USSR Features of policy Germany's refusal from Great Britain and the terms of France are pursuing the Versailles policy of the treaty. appeasement Expansion of the aggressor, the United States - territory in isolationist Europe. politics The unleashing of local wars by Italy and Japan Duality of course: the desire to prevent war and attempts to activate the communist movement through the Comintern. Solving the issue of a possible ally Sphere of their foreign policy interests Division of the world into spheres of influence Territory of the former Russian Empire, straits zone Peace with borders established after the First World War

World War II September 1, 1939 - September 2, 1945 an armed conflict between two world military-political coalitions, which became the largest war in the history of mankind. More than 70 states were involved in the Second World War (of which 37 took part in hostilities), on whose territory more than 80% of the world's population lived. The hostilities covered the territories of 40 states. According to various estimates, from 50 to 70 million people were killed. The reasons for the war are still disputed.

Causes of the Second World War - Isolationism of the leading powers and a focus on internal problems. - Underestimation of the military danger by the governments of the world powers. - The desire of a number of countries to revise the existing structure of the world. - Inability of the League of Nations as a regulator of international relations. - Folding the aggressive block - the Berlin-Rome-Tokyo axis.

Periodization of World War II Period and time frame Events First period (September 1, 1939 From the attack on Poland to June 22, 1941) the beginning of the Great Patriotic War Second period (June 22, 1941 - November 1942) Defensive battles of the Red Army , the defeat of the Germans near Moscow, the failure of the "lightning war" plan. The third period (November 1942 - Stalingrad and Kursk December 1943) battles, a radical turning point in the course of the war. The fourth period (January 1943 - May 9, 1945) The defeat of Nazi Germany, the end of the Great Patriotic War The fifth period (May - September 2, 1945) The surrender of Japan, the end of World War II

1. Beginning of the Parade of German troops near Gdansk 1. 09. 1939 - Germany attacked Poland. 50 divisions. 03.09.1939 - Entry into the war between England and France. 8.09.1939 - to Warsaw. Blitzkrieg. 17.09.1939 - The Red Army crossed the Polish border. 28.09.1939 - Capitulation of Warsaw and Modlin. Soviet-German Treaty of Friendship and Border.

2. Conquest of Europe "Strange War" England and France - threefold superiority on the western front. Refusal to take action. 09.04.1940 - Invasion of Denmark and Norway. 10.05.1940 - Belgium, Netherlands, Luxembourg. 26.05.1940 - Dunkirk miracle. 14.05.1940 - Breakthrough of the line Evacuation of the British army Maginot. The entry of the German army into Paris at Dunkirk. The Pétain government.

2. Conquest of Europe Air defense soldier on the roof of the London house "Battle of Britain" Ultimatum of England. Blockade. "Sea Lion". 08.1940 - submarine and air war. (losses: 1733 German aircraft, 915 British). 09.1940 - Italy attacked Greece. 06.04.1940 - the invasion of the German army into Yugoslavia. In Croatia, the Ustasha came to power. Summer 1940 - Completion of the conquest of Europe.

2. Conquest of Europe General de Gaulle Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania, Slovakia, Finland, Croatia join the Triple Pact. December 1940 - approval of the "Barbarossa" plan - war with the USSR. 18.06.1940 - General de Gaulle appealed to France to organize resistance to the invaders. "Free France". Resistance movement.

3.141 -1942 22.06.1941 German attack on the USSR. The beginning of a new stage of the war. December 1941 Battle of Moscow - blitzkrieg disrupted. 7.12.1941 - Pearl Harbor. US entry into the war. 11. 12. 1941 - Germany and Italy declared war on the United States. 01.01.1942 - formation of the anti-Hitler coalition. War in Africa American aircraft carrier Summer 1940 - Italy occupies a number of British colonies after being hit by Japanese aircraft.

3.141 -1942 General E. Rommel Spring 1941 - Germany to Libya. E. Rommel. October 1942 - El Alamein. Rommel to Tunisia. November 1942 - Operation Torch. D. Eisenhower. 1943 - the defeat of the German grouping of the Pacific Ocean Summer 1942 - Midway (the Japanese lost 330 aircraft, 4 aircraft carriers). American occupation of Guadalcanal. End of 1942 - the offensive of the German bloc was stopped.

4. Fundamental change of the Soviet-German front Summer 1942 - The offensive of the Wehrmacht on Stalingrad. 19. 11. 1942 - the counter-offensive of the Red Army. 2. 2. 1943 - the capitulation of the German group, the capture of Paulus. Summer 1943 Kursk Bulge. Battle of Prokhorovka (the greatest tank battle), "rail war", air superiority. Beginning of liberation Captured field marshal of the Soviet territory. Strat. Paulus at Stalingrad, the political initiative in the hands of the Red Army.

4. A radical change I. Stalin, F. Roosevelt, W. Churchill in Tehran Summer - autumn 1943 - Liberated Smolensk, Gomel, Left-Bank Ukraine, Kiev. 1943 - Allied landings in Italy. Removal from power of Mussolini. P. Badoglio truce with the Anglo-American corps. 8.9.1943 - Italy's surrender. Entering German troops into the northern regions. Occupation of Rome. Summer 1944 - Liberation of Rome. 28.11 -1. 12. 1943 - Tehran Conference - II front.

5. Capitulation of Germany Operation "Overlord" 1944 - "10 Stalinist blows". The exit of the Red Army to the borders of Eastern Europe Summer-autumn 1944 - uprisings in Warsaw, Slovakia, Bulgaria. Liberation of Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia. 6. 06. 1944 - Operation Overlord - the opening of the II front in Europe. D. Eisenhower 18 -25. 8.1944 - Liberation of Paris. 09.1944 - Allies reach the German border. 12. 1944 - offensive in the Ardennes and East Prussia.

5. The surrender of Germany 12. 1. 1945 Liberation of Warsaw 4 -11. 2. 1945 - Yalta Conference: the end of the war, the post-war system, the war with Japan. 16.04.1945 - attack on Berlin 2.5.1945 - flag over the Reichstag 07 -8. 5.145 - the surrender of Germany. 17.7-2. 8. 1945 - Potsdam conference: post-war organization, 3 "D", reparations, Flag of victory over the Reichstag of the German border, trial over war criminals.

6. The defeat of Japan 1944 - Japan - the seizure of territories in China. Kwantung Army - 5 million 6, 9, 8. 1945 - Hiroshima and Nagasaki. 9.08.1945 - the USSR declared war. Three fronts. 14. 08. 1945 - Emperor Hirohito about surrender. 2. 9. 1945 - The battleship "Missouri" - the signing of the surrender. End of World War II. The signing of the surrender Results: 54 million killed, Japan destroyed 35 thousand settlements, destroyed cultural values.

Results of the war Political consequences of the war Fascism, one of the forms of totalitarianism, was defeated. The independence and sovereignty of the countries of Europe and Asia have been restored Conditions have been created for social and political changes, opportunities for the democratic development of states The United Nations Organization has been created on the basis of the Anti-Hitler coalition There is experience and a further opportunity to develop relations between countries with different socio-political systems, there is a tool for preventing wars Development of military-technical thought , improving weapons. The emergence of nuclear weapons The first attempts at "nuclear dictate" by the United States. The USSR's striving for parity with the United States in the field of nuclear and other weapons Liberation of Central and Eastern countries The growth of left-wing forces in these states, Europe by the Soviet Union USSR's striving to control the development of the region The growth of the USSR's international prestige The transformation of the USSR and the USA into superpowers In the post-war world, two contradictory tendencies are manifested : the possibility of maintaining peace and developing cooperation and the possibility of confrontation between states in a bipolar (bipolar) world.

"Peace is a virtue of civilization, War is its crime." V. Hugo "The Apotheosis of War" Vasily Vereshchagin

... V. Vereshchagin was an ensign, "who was under the Turkestan governor-general, wore civilian clothes and enjoyed the freedom of action and movement necessary to sketch and write what he saw. Until the spring of 1862 he tirelessly sketched nature, folk types, scenes of life in Central Asia." ... Subsequently, the artist combined all his Turkestan paintings (together with sketches) into a series in order to enhance the ideological influence on the viewer. Following one after another, these pictures unfolded the entire plot in front of the viewer ("Beggars in Samarkand", "Opium-eaters", "Selling a slave child", etc.). In the canvas "Samarkand Zindan" V.V. Vereshchagin depicted an underground prison-bedbug, in which prisoners who were being eaten alive were buried. Every hour of their stay in this prison was a cruel torture for them. And only the light falling from above, which dissolves in the evening darkness of the dungeon, connected the prisoners with life. The central place among the Turkestan paintings of V.V. Vereshchagin is occupied by battle canvases, which he combined into the series "Barbarians". The final canvas of this series is the world famous painting "The Apotheosis of War". The painting by V.V. Vereshchagin is not so much concrete-historical as symbolic. The canvas "Apotheosis of War" is an image of death, destruction, destruction. Its details: dead trees, a dilapidated deserted city, dried grass - all these are parts of one plot. Even the yellow color of the picture symbolizes dying, and the clear southern sky further emphasizes the deadness of everything around. Even such details as the scars from the saber blows I, the bullet holes on the "pyramid" skulls, express the idea of ​​the work even more clearly. To express it more fully, the artist explained this with the inscription on the frame: "Dedicated to all the great conquerors: past, present and future." Continuing this idea of ​​the artist, the remarkable Russian critic V.V. Stasov wrote: “The point here is not only with what skill Vereshchagin painted with his brushes a dry burnt steppe and among it a pyramid of skulls, with crows fluttering around, looking for the surviving one, maybe be a piece of meat. ”No! Then something more precious and higher than the extraordinary Vereshchagin virtuality of colors appeared in the picture: this is a deep feeling of the historian and the judge of mankind ... In Turkestan Vereshchagin saw enough of death and corpses: but he did not become coarse and dull , the feeling did not die out in him, as in the majority of those dealing with war and murder. ”His compassion and philanthropy only grew and went into depth and 11 width. He began to regret not individual people, but looked at humanity and history going back centuries - and his heart was filled with bile and indignation. That Tamerlane, whom everyone considers a monster and a shame of mankind, that the new Europe is all the same! " was such that one Prussian general advised Emperor Alexander II "to order the burning of all the artist's military paintings, as having the most pernicious influence."

The development of the Soviet Union in the pre-war years took place in a complex international situation. The presence of hotbeds of tension in Europe and the Far East, the secret preparation of the countries of the capitalist world for the Second World War, the coming to power in Germany of a fascist-leaning party clearly testified that the international situation was actively and rapidly approaching a military conflict.

During the period between the end of the first and the beginning of the second world war, qualitative changes took place in the balance of power in the world community: the emergence of the first socialist state, the aggravation of contradictions between the world metropolises and the colonies, the restoration and new rapid economic growth of the defeated in the first world war and dissatisfied with his position in the world states - Germany. The consequence of these changes in the international arena was a change in the nature of the approaching conflict. From the dispute between the imperialist powers over the redivision of the world, which, according to V.I. Lenin, there was the First World War, the approaching war was supposed to turn into an arena of opposition and collision of the interests of both imperialist states among themselves and the entire bloc with a state of a different socio-economic formation - the Soviet Union. It is this circumstance, in our opinion, that determined the policy of the leading capitalist states and the USSR on the eve of the Second World War.

2. The participation of the USSR in international events preceding the Second World War.

2.1 The struggle of the Soviet Union to prevent war. Development of relations with capitalist states on the eve of the conflict.

Let us now see how events developed in international politics on the eve of the Second World War.

It is possible, in our opinion, to start the countdown of events from 1933, as the date of the coming to power in Germany of the Nazi National Socialist Party, headed by A. Hitler, who already in 1934 concentrated in his hands all the power in the country, combining at the same time Chancellor and Fuhrer posts. The fascists established a dictatorship in the country, a reactionary regime, annulled the Versailles Peace Treaty, which did not suit this rapidly developing imperialist power, and began active preparations for a war for the redivision of the world.

In the same period (30s), there was a significant intensification of Italian foreign policy, in which fascism was the dominant ideology since 1922, its influence on the balance of power in the world community increased.

One of the first acts of aggression committed by these states was the seizure in 1935 - 36. Ethiopia and the establishment of a fascist regime there.

In 1936-37, Germany, Japan and Italy concluded an "anti-Comintern pact", which marked the beginning of the formation of new military blocs, further advancement towards a military conflict, and also testified to manifestations of fascist aggression against the USSR.

Thus, the most dangerous hotbed of a future war has emerged in the Center of Europe.

At this time, the political circles of England, the USA, France pursued a policy of encouraging Germany, trying to direct her aggression against the Soviet Union. This policy was carried out both on the world stage and within the states themselves. For example, in almost all countries a campaign was waged against the USSR, the idea of ​​a "growing Soviet danger" and the idea of ​​"Russian military preparations" were actively promoted. In foreign policy, the British and French leaders, as the documents testify, were solving the problem of how to ward off the threat of German aggression and defuse the energy of Nazism and expansion to the East.

In this situation, the USSR comes up with proposals to ensure peace and collective security. In response to the policy of the capitalist states, our country is taking the following steps:

1933 - establishment of diplomatic relations with the United States.

1934 - The USSR joins the League of Nations, where it comes up with its proposals for the creation of a system of collective security and resistance to the conquerors, who, however, do not find support. At the beginning of 1934, the Soviet Union came up with a convention on the definition of the attacking side (aggressor), which emphasized that aggression is an invasion of the territory of another country with or without a declaration of war, as well as bombing the territory of other countries, attacks on sea vessels, blockade shores or ports. The governments of the leading powers reacted coldly to the Soviet project. However, Romania, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan, and later Finland, signed this document in the USSR.

1935 - the signing of a mutual assistance pact by France, Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union. This pact could have played a significant role in preventing Hitler's aggression, however, at the insistence of France, a reservation was introduced into this treaty. Its essence was that military assistance to Czechoslovakia from the USSR could be provided only if France also provided it. Soon it was this reservation and the indecision of the then government of Czechoslovakia that facilitated the aggression on the part of Germany.

Events began to take on particular acuteness in 1938, when Germany occupied Austria and included it in the Third Reich, intervened in the civil war in Spain, where it helped establish a fascist dictatorship, demanded that Czechoslovakia transfer the Sudetenland and annexed it after the Munich meeting approved this action. heads of government consisting of England, France, Germany, Italy, who decided to dismember Czechoslovakia, at which the USSR and Czechoslovakia were not present. This "Munich agreement" encouraged the aggressor and pushed him to further intensify actions, according to its conditions, about 20% of its territory was torn away from Czechoslovakia, where a quarter of the country's population lived and about half of the capacity of heavy industry was located.

The leaders of the capitalist states, continuing to support the fascist aggression, signed a number of non-aggression treaties with Germany (1938 - England and France).

Having untied his hands in this way, Hitler continued his aggression: in March 1939 he completely seized Czechoslovakia and seized the port of Klaipeda from Lithuania in favor of Germany. In April 1939, Italy invaded Albania.

The USSR, continuing its peaceful policy, did not recognize the occupation of Czechoslovakia and offered it military assistance, which the government of this country refused. France did not fulfill its obligations under the treaties on military assistance with this country and did not support it.

Thus, the foreign policy of the Soviet Union in 30. (until 1939) can be considered a model of striving to prevent war, to curb the aggressor. Our country acted as the most implacable and consistent enemy of fascism, exposed it, identified it with the war.

However, by the summer of 1939, the situation had changed, and the result of this change was the signing of the treaties of 23 August and 28 September 1939 and secret protocols to them, under which the USSR became almost a partner of Germany. What caused this turn of events? In our opinion, there were several such reasons.

First of all, it should be noted that the very situation that had developed on the world arena by the spring of 1939 objectively contributed to the fact that the Soviet Union could not continue its activities alone, and it had to take care of its safety, since by the spring of 1939 the second world war in its locally focal phase was already a reality. In the current military-political situation, the USSR had three alternatives: to reach a military agreement with France and Britain; stay alone; conclude an agreement with Germany. The most advantageous was the Anglo-Franco-Soviet agreement on mutual assistance directed against Nazi Germany. It would lead to the creation of a single anti-fascist coalition, effectively serve to deter the fascist aggressors and, possibly, prevent the outbreak of a world war.

In the summer of 1939, at the initiative of the Soviet side, negotiations began between the USSR - England - France on the conclusion of a mutual assistance pact and the creation of an anti-German coalition. At these negotiations, the Soviet Union came up with radical proposals to resolve the issue of collective security, but for the Western states, continuing the policy developed at the Munich meeting, these proposals turned out to be unacceptable. By August 20, the negotiations had reached an impasse and virtually failed. At the request of the British and French, a break was announced for an indefinite period, although both Moscow and London knew that the aggression against Poland was scheduled for the end of August. The USSR failed to come to an agreement with the Western powers. Both sides are to blame for this. But the guilt of the Western powers, especially England, is much greater than that of the Soviet Union. The Soviet side did not have enough restraint, it showed haste, overestimated the degree of hostility of the Western powers towards the USSR and the possibility of their collusion with Nazi Germany. The Western powers did not have a sincere desire to move towards rapprochement with the USSR, which can be explained, apparently, by various reasons, including fears of possible betrayal, and the inhuman internal policy of the Stalinist leadership, contrary to its assurances on the world stage, and an underestimation of its strength as a possible ally in the struggle against the fascist bloc, and a deep hostility to the country of a different socio - economic formation. The Western powers negotiated with the USSR primarily in order to exert pressure on Germany, to force her to make concessions to them, they tried to impose their own conditions on the Soviet Union, and neglected its interests. “The blame for the fact that it was not possible to create a broad alliance of England, France and the USSR, capable of restraining German ambitions,” admit the British researchers R. Haight, D. Maurice and A. Peters, “should be placed directly on the Western allies. , with which they resolved the major international crises of the 1930s, gradually undermined confidence in the cause of collective security ... French and British leaders consistently preferred to pacify Berlin, Rome and Tokyo rather than try to use Soviet power to defend international stability. "

Thus, by the beginning of the autumn of 1939, the Soviet Union failed to solve the problem of reaching a military agreement with Britain and France. It would be appropriate to emphasize the following here. At this time, Britain and France had already formalized their non-aggression agreements with Germany and, thus, objectively were in an advantageous position over the USSR.

However, despite the setback, the beginning of Anglo-French-Soviet contacts caused alarm among the leadership of Nazi Germany. It realized that the agreement on mutual assistance of the three great powers could be a serious obstacle to the expansionist plans outlined by Hitler, and began to make persistent efforts to prevent such an agreement.

Since May 1939, employees of the German Foreign Ministry, following Ribbentrop's instructions, repeatedly entered into contacts with representatives of the USSR in Berlin, various informal and official means made it clear about Germany's readiness to move closer to the USSR. Until mid-August 1939, while there was hope for an agreement with Britain and France, the Soviet government left the probe carried out by the German side unanswered, but at the same time closely followed its actions. For a long time, the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs Litvinov, who believed that no concessions to Nazi Germany should be made, played an important role in opposing the German "courtship of Moscow". However, in May 1939 he was removed from his post, where he was replaced by V.M. Molotov. Such a replacement could not go unnoticed and, probably, it testified to some changes in the orientation of the Soviet leadership. Therefore, the second reason that the union of the USSR and Germany became possible, in our opinion, is the personal ambitions and expansionist plans hatched by the Stalinist government. It seems to us that the kinship of these aspirations and Hitler's plans to conquer the world largely contributed to the signing of the illegal secret protocols of 1939.

As a continuation of German attempts to rapprochement with Moscow, in early July, the Soviet embassy in Berlin received an anonymous letter proposing the idea of ​​rehabilitating the 1926 treaty of neutrality or concluding a non-aggression treaty and borders. The German side, the letter said, proceeded from the assumption that both governments had a natural desire to restore their 1914 borders.In early August 1939, in a conversation with the Soviet envoy to Berlin Astakhov, Ribbentrop had already officially stated that to agree on all problems related to the territory from the Black Sea to the Baltic Sea. The Soviet side left these attempts at rapprochement unanswered. Apparently, Stalin wanted first to clarify what results could be obtained from the Anglo-Franco-Soviet negotiations.

It should be noted that the Germans had a backup course of action in case the Soviet leadership refused to accept Germany's proposals. In secret negotiations in mid-August, London and Berlin agreed on a trip on August 23 of the second-ranked leader of the "Third Reich" Goering to the British Isles for a secret meeting with Chamberlain. Judging by the documents, the two empires were going to work out a "historical compromise", ignoring the interests of not only the USSR, Poland and a number of other Eastern European countries, but even France.

On August 15, 1939, the German ambassador to Moscow F. Schulenburg asked for an urgent appointment with the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR V.M. Molotov. The ambassador read out a statement by Ribbentrop, in which it was proposed to settle all the existing controversial problems to the full satisfaction of both sides, for which the German foreign minister was ready to arrive in Moscow in the very near future. Although the statement did not openly talk about the solution of territorial issues, they were meant. This side of Soviet-German relations, along with the non-aggression pact and the intensification of trade with Germany, interested the Soviet government to the greatest extent.

The situation for the Soviet government was very difficult. It started a risky political game. Negotiations with Britain and France were still going on, but they reached a dead end. Germany, on the contrary, made concessions to the USSR, expressed its readiness to take into account its state interests, it even promised to influence Japan in order to normalize Soviet-Japanese relations, which was beneficial for the Soviet Union, since at that time there were fierce battles between Soviet and Japanese troops on the Khalkhin-Gol river. In such a situation, Stalin gave permission for Ribbentrop to come to Moscow.

The Soviet-German negotiations were carried out in conditions of political time pressure. On the night of August 23-24, 1939, in the presence of Stalin, Molotov and Ribbentrop signed hastily agreed Soviet-German documents: the Non-Aggression Pact, under which the parties pledged not to intervene in armed conflicts against each other within 10 years from the date of signing the document, and the Secret Protocol, under which Germany made a number of unilateral commitments:

In the event of a German-Polish armed conflict, German troops were not supposed to advance beyond the border of the Narew, Vistula, San rivers and not to invade Finland, Estonia and Latvia;

The question of preserving the unified Polish state or its dismemberment was to be resolved in the course of the further development of the political situation in the region;

Germany recognized the interest of the USSR in Bessarabia.

The non-aggression pact was published on August 24, 1939. The top leadership of the USSR did not inform either party or state bodies about the existence of a secret agreement. The Supreme Soviet of the USSR on August 31, 1939, without discussion, ratified only the text of the Non-Aggression Pact.

The news of the conclusion of the Soviet-German non-aggression pact came as a complete surprise not only for the world, but also for the Soviet community. It was difficult to comprehend the revolution that had taken place in relations between the USSR and Germany. After the signing of this treaty, London and Paris completely lost interest in the USSR and began to look for ways to get from Germany commitments for the future, stronger than those that it made during the Munich meeting. The documents indicate that the day after the signing of the non-aggression pact with Germany, Stalin, being in extreme uncertainty about Hitler's decency, tried to persuade Britain and France to continue the military Moscow negotiations. But there was no response to these proposals.

There are different points of view on the question of the need to sign a non-aggression pact with Germany.

Serious researchers - Soviet, Polish, British, West German and others - admit that on August 19-20, 1939, at the time of Stalin's consent to Ribbentrop's visit to Moscow to finally clarify Germany's intentions, the Soviet Union was left with no choice. Alone, the USSR could not prevent the war. He failed to find allies in the person of England and France. All that remained was to think about how not to fall into the maelstrom of the war, for which in 1939 the USSR was even less ready than in 1941.

True, there is another point of view on this score. Some historians believe that Germany in 1939 was also not ready for war with the USSR. Perhaps this is so, but at the same time it was impossible not to reckon with the very obvious probability of Berlin's deals with other Western powers against the Soviet Union.

Assessing the non-aggression pact from the standpoint of today, it can be noted that for the USSR it had both positive and negative consequences. Positive:

The Soviet Union avoided a war on two fronts, since the treaty created a crack in Japanese-German relations, deformed the terms of the anti-Comintern pact in favor of the USSR;

The line from which the Soviet Union could conduct its initial defense was moved several hundred kilometers from Leningrad, Minsk and other centers;

The treaty contributed to the deepening of the split of the capitalist world into two warring camps, thwarted the plans of the Western powers to send aggression to the east, and prevented their unification against the USSR. The Western powers were forced to reckon with the Soviet Union as a military and political power that had the right to define its interests on the political map of the world.

Negative:

The treaty undermined the morale of the Soviet people, the fighting efficiency of the army, lulls the vigilance of the military-political leadership of the USSR, disorientated the democratic, peace-loving forces, and, therefore, became one of the reasons for the failures of the Soviet side in the initial period of the Great Patriotic War;

The treaty provided fertile ground for accusations against the Soviet Union on the part of the Western powers of supporting the aggressor and unleashing a war;

For a long time it was considered a positive result of the conclusion of the Non-Aggression Pact that the USSR received about two years to prepare for war and strengthen its defenses. However, this time was used less effectively by the Soviet Union than by Germany, which increased its military potential to a greater extent in 22 months. If at the beginning of 1939 the military-political leadership of Germany assessed the Red Army as a very strong enemy, a collision with which was undesirable, then at the beginning of 1941 it already noted the weakness of the USSR Armed Forces, especially their command personnel.

The legal, political and historical assessment of the Secret Protocol attached to this treaty may, in our opinion, be more unambiguous and categorical. This protocol can be viewed as a great-power claim for "territorial and political reorganization" in the region, which, from a legal point of view, was in contradiction with the sovereignty and independence of a number of states. It did not comply with the treaties that the USSR had concluded with these countries earlier, with our obligations under all circumstances to respect their sovereignty, territorial integrity and inviolability. This protocol completely contradicted those official assurances about the abolition of secret diplomacy that the USSR leadership made for the world community, was a revision of the strategic course towards collective security and actually sanctioned an armed invasion of Poland.

Having untied her hands by signing a non-aggression pact and secret protocols, Germany attacked Poland on September 1, 1939.

England and France declared war on Germany, but did not provide effective military assistance to Poland and it was defeated.

The USSR and the USA declared their neutrality in the war.

On September 17, 1939, units of the Red Army entered the territory of Western Ukraine and Belarus, which was provided for by the provisions of the secret protocol.

And so, the second world war began.

At this time (end of September 1939), the leadership of the USSR, headed by Stalin and Molotov, crossed the border of reason in relations with Germany. On August 28, 1934, in Moscow, Molotov and Ribbentrop signed the Treaty of Friendship and Borders with several secret protocols attached to it, which, like the previous secret protocol, were not ratified. According to these documents, the spheres of influence of the USSR and Germany were changed, the borders of countries in Poland were determined, the parties agreed on economic cooperation and the prevention of agitation directed against the other side. The territory of the Lithuanian state was recognized as the sphere of interests of the USSR, provided that the current economic agreements between Germany and Lithuania would not be affected by the activities of the Government of the Soviet Union in this region. Simultaneously, the Lubelskie and Warsaw voivodeships were transferred to the German sphere of influence with the introduction of appropriate amendments to the dividing line. In one of the protocols, each side pledged not to allow "Polish agitation" aimed at the region of another country.

At the same negotiations, Molotov made a statement in which he substantiated the idea that it was unnecessary to fight fascism and the possibility of an ideological agreement with Germany. Together with Ribbentrop, he signed a note in which all responsibility for unleashing the war was shifted to England and France and stipulated that, if these countries continued to participate in the war, the USSR and Germany would consult on military issues.

The assessment of these agreements, in our opinion, should be unambiguous. If the conclusion of a non-aggression pact in the minds of the Soviet people was justified by the need to avoid participation in the war, then the signing of the Treaty of Friendship and Borders between the USSR and Germany was completely unnatural. This document was signed after the occupation of Poland and, consequently, became an agreement concluded with the country that committed an open act of aggression. He questioned, if not undermined, the status of the USSR as a neutral party and pushed our country into unscrupulous cooperation with Nazi Germany.

In our opinion, this agreement was not necessary at all. The change in the separation of interests, recorded in the secret additional protocol, could be formalized in a completely different way. However, motivated by the strengthening of personal power, Stalin went at the end of September to major political and moral costs in order to consolidate, as he believed, Hitler in a position of mutual understanding, not with the USSR, but with him personally. It should be admitted that Stalin's craving for parallel actions with Germany, which had become firmly established since the end of September, expanded the freedom of maneuver of the Nazi leadership, including in the implementation of a number of military operations.

Thus, in modern historical science, the Treaty of Friendship and Frontiers of September 28, 1939 is assessed sharply negatively. The conclusion of this treaty should be considered a mistake by the then leadership of the USSR. The treaty and everything that followed it in the media and in practical politics disarmed the Soviet people spiritually, contradicted the will of the people, Soviet and international legislation, and undermined the international authority of the USSR.

Summing up the story about the Soviet-German treaties of August 23 and September 28, 1939, it should be noted that, according to the conclusions of the Commission of the Congress of People's Deputies, the Non-Aggression Pact on the Treaty of Friendship and Borders lost its force at the time of the German attack on the USSR, and secret protocols , as signed in violation of the current Soviet legislation and the norms of international law, are invalid from the moment of signing.

After the signing of the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation and secret protocols, the Soviet Union began to unswervingly implement all of their provisions. In addition to the moral damage caused to the Soviet people by the terms of these documents, the practical activities of the Soviet leadership caused great damage to the country. For example, dissatisfaction among the anti-fascists living in the USSR was caused by certain unfriendly actions of the government towards some of them. So, in the fall of 1939, orphanage No. 6, which had been created earlier especially for the children of German political emigrants, was closed in Moscow. In early 1940, several groups of German and Austrian anti-fascists were handed over to the German authorities, who were repressed in the 30s and were under investigation or imprisonment. In most cases, this was done against the will of the transmitted. In addition, there were many cases of reprisals against Soviet citizens conducting anti-fascist propaganda. After the introduction, under the terms of the last Treaty, of the Red Army on the territory of Western Ukraine and Belarus, Lithuania and Poland, repressions began there, the imposition of command and administrative methods of leadership, the suppression of the national movement in these areas.

From 1939 to 1941, almost until the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, the external rapprochement between Germany and the Soviet Union continued. The USSR, up to the German attack in 1941, strictly observed all the conditions of the agreements it signed. So he did not participate in the events of 1940 -1941, when Hitler subjugated almost all European states, including France, and defeated the European contingent of British troops. Soviet diplomacy did everything to postpone the war and avoid waging it on two fronts, in order to give the USSR to prepare for war. For example, in 1941 the following were signed:

A note with Turkey in which both parties committed themselves to remain neutral;

Non-aggression pact with Japan.

However, these measures could not solve the main task of foreign policy and prevent war.