The first militia.

Only by relying on the people could it be possible to win and preserve the independence of the Russian state. In 1610, Patriarch Hermogenes called for a fight against the invaders, for which he was arrested. At the beginning of 1611, the first militia was created in the Ryazan land, led by the nobleman P. Lyapunov. The militia moved to Moscow, where an uprising broke out in the spring of 1611. The interventionists, on the advice of the traitorous boyars, set fire to the city. Troops fought on the outskirts of the Kremlin. Here, in the Sretenka area, Prince D.M. was seriously wounded. Pozharsky, who led the forward detachments. The first militia disintegrated. By this time, the Swedes had captured Novgorod, and the Poles, after a months-long siege, had captured Smolensk. The Polish king Sigismund III announced that he himself would become the Russian Tsar, and Russia would join the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

Second militia. Minin and Pozharsky.

In the fall of 1611, the townsman of Nizhny Novgorod, Kozma Minin, appealed to the Russian people to create a second militia. With the help of the population of other Russian cities, the material base for the liberation struggle was created: the people raised significant funds to wage war against the interventionists. The militia was headed by K. Minin and Prince Dmitry Pozharsky. In the spring of 1612, the militia moved to Yaroslavl. Here the provisional government of Russia, the “Council of All the Earth,” was created. In the summer of 1612, from the side of the Arbat Gate, the troops of K. Minin and D.M. Pozharsky approached Moscow and united with the remnants of the first militia. Almost simultaneously, Hetman Khodasevich approached the capital along the Mozhaisk road, moving to help the Poles holed up in the Kremlin. In the battle near the walls of Moscow, Khodasevich’s army was driven back. On October 22, 1612, on the day of the discovery of the icon of the Kazan Mother of God, who accompanied the militia, Kitay-Gorod was taken. Four days later, the Polish garrison in the Kremlin surrendered. In memory of the liberation of Moscow from the interventionists on Red Square, funded by D.M. Pozharsky, a temple was erected in honor of the icon of Our Lady of Kazan. The victory was won as a result of the heroic efforts of the Russian people.

Prerequisites for the creation of the second militia

The initiative to organize the Second People's Militia came from the craft and trading people of Nizhny Novgorod, an important economic and administrative center in the Middle Volga. IN Nizhny Novgorod district About 150 thousand males lived at that time, there were up to 30 thousand households in 600 villages. In Nizhny itself there were about 3.5 thousand male residents, of which about 2.0–2.5 thousand were townspeople.

Disastrous situation in the Nizhny Novgorod region

Nizhny Novgorod in its strategic position, economic and political significance was one of the key points in the eastern and southeastern regions of Russia. In conditions of weakening central government, under the rule of the interventionists, this city became the initiator of a nationwide patriotic movement that swept the Upper and Middle Volga region and neighboring regions of the country. It should be noted that Nizhny Novgorod residents joined the liberation struggle several years before the formation of the second militia.

Collapse of the First Militia

The rise of the national liberation movement in 1611 resulted in the creation of the first people's militia, its actions and the March uprising of Muscovites, led by the Zaraisk governor, Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky. The failure of the first militia did not weaken this rise, but, on the contrary, strengthened it. Many of the first militias already had experience fighting the invaders. Residents of cities, counties and volosts who did not submit to impostors and invaders also had this experience. And it is no coincidence, in connection with the above, that Nizhny Novgorod becomes the stronghold of the further national liberation struggle of the Russian people for their independence and the outpost for the creation of a second people's militia.

In the summer of 1611, confusion reigned in the country. In Moscow, all affairs were managed by the Poles, and the boyars - rulers from the “Seven Boyars”, sent letters to cities, counties and volosts calling for an oath to the Polish prince Vladislav. Patriarch Hermogenes, while imprisoned, advocated the unification of the country's liberation forces, punishing not to obey the orders of the military leaders of the Cossack regiments near Moscow, Prince D. T. Trubetskoy and Ataman I. M. Zarutsky. Archimandrite Dionysius of the Trinity-Sergius Monastery, on the contrary, called on everyone to unite around Trubetskoy and Zarutsky. It was at this time that a new upsurge of the patriotic movement arose in Nizhny Novgorod, which already had its own tradition and again found support in the townspeople and service people and the local peasantry. With a powerful impulse This popular movement was served by the letter of Patriarch Hermogenes, received by the people of Nizhny Novgorod on August 25, 1611. The undaunted elder from the dungeon of the Chudov Monastery called on the people of Nizhny Novgorod to stand up for the holy cause of liberating Rus' from foreign invaders.

The role of Kuzma Minin in organizing the second militia

An outstanding role in organizing this movement was played by the Nizhny Novgorod zemstvo elder Kuzma Minin, who was elected to this position in early September 1611. According to historians, Minin first began his famous calls for the liberation struggle among the townspeople, who warmly supported him. Then he was supported by the Nizhny Novgorod city council, voivodes, clergy and service people. By decision of the city council, a general meeting of Nizhny Novgorod residents was appointed. Residents of the city bell ringing gathered in the Kremlin, in the Transfiguration Cathedral. First, a service took place, after which Archpriest Savva gave a sermon, and then Minin addressed the people with an appeal to stand up for liberation Russian state from foreign enemies. Not limiting themselves to voluntary contributions, the residents of Nizhny Novgorod accepted the “sentence” of the entire city that all residents of the city and county “to build military people” must give part of their property. Minin was entrusted with managing the collection of funds and their distribution among the warriors of the future militia.

Military leader of the second militia, Prince Pozharsky

“Elected person” Kuzma Minin in his appeal raised the question of choosing a military leader for the future militia. At the next gathering, Nizhny Novgorod residents decided to ask Prince Pozharsky to head the people's militia, whose family estate was located in the Nizhny Novgorod district, 60 km from Nizhny Novgorod to the west, where he was recovering from his wounds after being seriously wounded on March 20, 1611 in Moscow. The prince, in all his qualities, was suitable for the role of militia commander. He was of a noble family - Rurikovich in the twentieth generation. In 1608, as a regimental commander, he defeated the gatherings of the Tushino impostor near Kolomna; in 1609 he defeated the gangs of Ataman Salkov; in 1610, during the dissatisfaction of the Ryazan governor Prokopiy Lyapunov with Tsar Shuisky, he kept the city of Zaraysk in allegiance to the tsar; in March 1611 he valiantly fought the enemies of the Fatherland in Moscow and was seriously wounded. The residents of Nizhny Novgorod were also impressed by such traits of the prince as honesty, selflessness, fairness in making decisions, decisiveness, balance and thoughtfulness in his actions. Nizhny Novgorod residents went to him “many times so that I could go to Nizhny for the zemstvo council,” as the prince himself said. According to the etiquette of that time, Pozharsky refused the offer of the Nizhny Novgorod residents for a long time. And only when a delegation from Nizhny Novgorod, headed by Archimandrite Theodosius of the Ascension-Pechersk Monastery, came to him, did Pozharsky agree to lead the militia, but with one condition: that all economic affairs in the militia be managed by Minin, who, by the “sentence” of the Nizhny Novgorod residents, was awarded the title “ elected person by the whole earth."

Beginning of the organization of the second militia

Pozharsky arrived in Nizhny Novgorod on October 28, 1611 and immediately, together with Minin, began organizing a militia. In the Nizhny Novgorod garrison there were about 750 soldiers. Then they invited me from Arzamas service people from Smolensk, who were expelled from Smolensk after its occupation by the Poles. The Vyazmich and Dorogobuzh residents found themselves in a similar position, and they also joined the militia. The militia immediately grew to three thousand people. All militiamen received good pay: servicemen of the first article were assigned a salary of 50 rubles per year, the second article - 45 rubles, the third - 40 rubles, but there was no salary less than 30 rubles per year. The presence of a constant monetary allowance among the militia attracted new servicemen from all surrounding regions to the militia. People from Kolomna, Ryazan, Cossacks and Streltsy came from Ukrainian cities, etc.

Good organization, especially the collection and distribution of funds, establishment own office, establishing connections with many cities and regions, involving them in the affairs of the militia - all this led to the fact that, unlike the First Militia, the unity of goals and actions was established in the Second from the very beginning. Pozharsky and Minin continued to collect the treasury and warriors, turn to different cities for help, sent them letters with appeals: “... let us all, Orthodox Christians, be in love and in unity and not begin the previous civil strife, and the Moscow state from our enemies ... cleanse unremittingly until his death, and do not at all commit robberies and taxes to Orthodox Christianity, and with his arbitrariness on Moscow State do not rob the sovereign of the entire land without advice” (letter from Nizhny Novgorod to Vologda and Sol Vychegda in early December 1611). The authorities of the Second Militia actually began to carry out the functions of a government that opposed the Moscow “Seven Boyars” and the Moscow region “camps” independent of the authorities, led by D. T. Trubetskoy and I. I. Zarutsky. The militia government initially formed during the winter of 1611-1612. as "Council of all the earth." It included the leaders of the militia, members of the Nizhny Novgorod city council, and representatives of other cities. It finally took shape when the second militia was in Yaroslavl and after the “cleansing” of Moscow from the Poles.

The government of the Second Militia had to act in a difficult situation. Not only the interventionists and their henchmen looked at him with fear, but also the Moscow “Seven Boyars” and the leaders of the Cossack freemen, Zarutsky and Trubetskoy. All of them created various obstacles for Pozharsky and Minin. But they, in spite of everything, strengthened their position with their organized work. Relying on all layers of society, especially on the district nobility and townspeople, they restored order in the cities and districts of the north and northeast, receiving in return new militias and the treasury. The detachments of princes D.P. Lopata-Pozharsky and R.P. Pozharsky, sent by him in a timely manner, occupied Yaroslavl and Suzdal, preventing the detachments of the Prosovetsky brothers from entering there.

March of the second militia

The second militia set out for Moscow from Nizhny Novgorod at the end of February - beginning of March 1612 through Balakhna, Timonkino, Sitskoye, Yuryevets, Reshma, Kineshma, Kostroma, Yaroslavl. In Balakhna and Yuryevets, the militias were greeted with great honor. They received replenishment and a large cash treasury. In Reshma, Pozharsky learned about the oath of Pskov and the Cossack leaders Trubetskoy and Zarutsky to the new impostor, the fugitive monk Isidore. Kostroma governor I.P. Sheremetev did not want to let the militia into the city. Having removed Sheremetev and appointed a new governor in Kostroma, the militia entered Yaroslavl in early April 1612. Here the militia stood for four months, until the end of July 1612. In Yaroslavl, the composition of the government - the “Council of the Whole Earth” - was finally determined. It also included representatives of noble princely families - the Dolgorukys, Kurakins, Buturlins, Sheremetevs and others. The Council was headed by Pozharsky and Minin. Since Minin was illiterate, Pozharsky signed the letters instead: “Prince Dmitry Pozharsky put his hand in Minin’s place as an elected person with all the land in Kozmino.” The certificates were signed by all members of the “Council of the Whole Earth”. And since at that time “localism” was strictly observed, Pozharsky’s signature was in tenth place, and Minin’s in fifteenth.

In Yaroslavl, the militia government continued to pacify cities and counties, liberating them from Polish-Lithuanian detachments and from Zarutsky’s Cossacks, depriving the latter of material and military assistance from the eastern, northeastern and northern regions. At the same time, it took diplomatic steps to neutralize Sweden, which had captured Novgorod lands, through negotiations on the candidacy for the Russian throne of Karl Philip, brother of the Swedish king Gustav Adolf. At the same time, Prince Pozharsky held diplomatic negotiations with Joseph Gregory, the ambassador of the German emperor, about the emperor’s assistance to the militia in the liberation of the country. In return, he offered Pozharsky to become Russian king cousin Emperor, Maximilian. Subsequently, these two applicants for Russian throne was refused. The “stand” in Yaroslavl and the measures taken by the “Council of the Whole Earth”, Minin and Pozharsky themselves, yielded results. Joined the Second Militia large number lower and Moscow region cities with counties, Pomorie and Siberia. Government institutions functioned: the Local, Discharge, and Ambassadorial orders worked under the “Council of the Whole Land”. Order was gradually established over an increasingly large territory of the state. Gradually, with the help of militia detachments, it was cleared of gangs of thieves. The militia army already numbered up to ten thousand warriors, well armed and trained. The militia authorities were also involved in everyday administrative and judicial work (appointing governors, maintaining discharge books, analyzing complaints, petitions, etc.). All this gradually stabilized the situation in the country and led to a revival of economic activity.

At the beginning of the month, the militia received news that Hetman Khodkevich’s twelve thousand-strong detachment with a large convoy was advancing towards Moscow. Pozharsky and Minin immediately sent detachments of M.S. Dmitriev and Lopata-Pozharsky to the capital, which approached Moscow on July 24 and August 2, respectively. Having learned about the arrival of the militia, Zarutsky and his Cossack detachment fled to Kolomna, and then to Astrakhan, since before that he had sent assassins to Prince Pozharsky, but the assassination attempt failed, and Zarutsky’s plans were revealed.

Speech from Yaroslavl

The second people's militia set out from Yaroslavl to Moscow on July 28, 1612. The first stop was six or seven miles from the city. The second, July 29, 26 versts from Yaroslavl on Sheputsky-Yam, from where the militia army went further to Rostov the Great with Prince I. A. Khovansky and Kozma Minin, and Pozharsky himself with small detachment went to the Suzdal Spaso-Evfimiev Monastery, “to pray and bow to my parents’ coffins.” Having caught up with the army in Rostov, Pozharsky stopped for several days to gather warriors who had arrived in the militia from different cities. On August 14, the militia arrived at the Trinity-Sergius Monastery, where they were joyfully greeted by the clergy. On August 18, after listening to a prayer service, the militia moved from the Trinity-Sergius Monastery to Moscow, less than five miles away, and spent the night on the Yauza River. The next day, August 19, Prince D.T. Trubetskoy with a Cossack regiment met Prince Pozharsky at the walls of Moscow and began to call him to camp with him at the Yauz Gate. Pozharsky did not accept his invitation, as he feared hostility from the Cossacks towards the militia, and stood with his militia at the Arbat Gate, from where they expected an attack from Hetman Khodkevich. On August 20, Khodkevich was already on Poklonnaya Hill. Along with him came detachments of Hungarians and Hetman Nalivaiko with the Little Russian Cossacks.

Fight of militias with the troops of Hetman Khodkevich

Cleansing of Moscow

However, not all of Moscow was liberated from the invaders. There were still Polish detachments of Colonels Strus and Budila, entrenched in Kitay-Gorod and the Kremlin. The traitorous boyars and their families also took refuge in the Kremlin. The future Russian sovereign Mikhail Romanov, who was still little known at that time, was in the Kremlin with his mother, nun Marfa Ivanovna. Knowing that the besieged Poles were suffering terrible hunger, Pozharsky at the end of September 1612 sent them a letter in which he invited the Polish knighthood to surrender. “Your heads and lives will be spared,” he wrote, “I will take this on my soul and ask all military men to agree to this.” To which an arrogant and boastful response followed from the Polish colonels with a refusal to Pozharsky’s proposal.

On October 22, 1612, Kitay-Gorod was taken by attack by Russian troops, but there were still Poles who settled in the Kremlin. The hunger there intensified to such an extent that the boyar families and all civilian inhabitants began to be escorted out of the Kremlin, and the Poles themselves went so far as to start eating human flesh. Pozharsky and his regiment stood on the Stone Bridge at the Trinity Gate of the Kremlin to meet the boyar families and protect them from the Cossacks. On October 26, the Poles surrendered and left the Kremlin. Budilo and his regiment fell into Pozharsky’s camp, and everyone remained alive. Later they were sent to Nizhny Novgorod. Coward and his regiment fell to Trubetskoy, and the Cossacks exterminated all the Poles. On October 27, the ceremonial entry into the Kremlin of the troops of princes Pozharsky and Trubetskoy was scheduled. When the troops gathered at Lobnoye Mesto, Archimandrite Dionysius of the Trinity-Sergius Monastery performed a solemn prayer service in honor of the victory of the militia. After which, to the ringing of bells, the winners, accompanied by the people, entered the Kremlin with banners and banners.

Thus the cleansing of Moscow and the Moscow state from foreign invaders was completed.

Historiography

The Nizhny Novgorod militia is traditionally important element Russian historiography. One of the most thorough studies is the work of P. G. Lyubomirov. The only work that describes in detail initial period the struggle of the Nizhny Novgorod residents (1608-1609), is the fundamental work of S. F. Platonov on the history of the Time of Troubles.

In fiction

The events of 1611-1612 are described in popular historical novel M. N. Zagoskina Yuri Miloslavsky, or Russians in 1612.

Notes

Sources

  • Chronicle of many rebellions. Second edition. - M.: 1788.
  • Zabelin I. E. Minin and Pozharsky. Straight lines and curves Time of Troubles. - M.: 1883.
  • Russian Biographical Dictionary: In 25 volumes / under the supervision of A. A. Polovtsov. 1896-1918. Korsakova V. I. Pozharsky, book. Dmitry Mikhailovich. - St. Petersburg: 1905. P.221-247.
  • Bibikov G. N. The battles of the Russian people's militia with the Polish invaders on August 22-24, 1612 near Moscow. Historical note. - M.: 1950. T.32.
  • Buganov V.I.“The elected man of the whole earth” Kuzma Minin. Questions of history. - M.: 1980. No. 9. P.90-102.

The catastrophic situation that developed by the end of 1610 stirred up patriotic sentiments and religious feelings, forced many Russian people to rise above social contradictions, political differences and personal ambitions. The weariness of all strata of society from civil war, a thirst for order, which they perceived as the restoration of traditional foundations.

Gradually it became clearer that solving problems was impossible only within a local framework, a mature understanding of the need for an all-Russian movement. This was reflected militias, collected in Russian provincial cities. The church conducted continuous preaching in favor of the unity of all Orthodox Christians.

In the spring of 1611, the first militia was formed from different parts of the Russian land. Soon the militia besieged Moscow, and on March 19 a decisive battle took place, in which the rebel Muscovites took part. It was not possible to liberate the city. Remaining at the city walls, the militia created the highest authority - the Council of the Whole Land. It served as the Zemsky Sobor, in whose hands there was legislative, judicial and partially executive power. The executive branch was headed by P. Lyapunov, D. Trubetskoy and I. Zarutsky and began to recreate the orders. On June 30, 1611, the “Verdict of the Whole Land” was adopted, which provided for the future structure of Russia, but infringed on the rights of the Cossacks and also had a serfdom character. After the murder of Lyapunov by the Cossacks, the first militia disintegrated.

By this time, the Swedes had captured Novgorod and besieged Pskov, and the Poles, after a months-long siege, had captured Smolensk. Sigismund 3 declared that it was not Vladislav, but he himself, who would become the king of Russia, which would thus become part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. A serious threat to Russian sovereignty has arisen.

The critical situation that developed in the fall of 1611 accelerated the creation of a second militia. Under the influence of the letters of Patriarch Hermogenes and the appeals of the monks of the Trinity - Sergius Monastery in Nizhny Novgorod, the Zemsky elder K. Minin and Prince Dmitry Pozharsky in the fall of 1611 created a second militia with the goal of liberating Moscow and convening the Zemsky Sobor to elect a new king and restore the national monarchy. The put forward program: the liberation of the capital and the refusal to recognize a sovereign of foreign origin on the Russian throne, managed to rally representatives of all classes who abandoned narrow group claims for the sake of saving the Fatherland. In the spring of 1612, the militia moved to Yaroslavl. In conditions of anarchy, the second militia takes over the functions of state administration, creates in Yaroslavl the Council of the Whole Land, which included elected representatives of the clergy, nobility, civil servants, townspeople, palace and black-growing peasants, and forms orders. In August 1612, the militia, supported at a critical moment by Trubetskoy’s Cossacks, prevailed over the army of Hetman K. Khodkevich and entered Moscow. After the liquidation of the attempts of the Polish detachment of Khodkiewicz to penetrate the Kremlin to help the Polish there, the garrison surrendered. On October 26, 1612, Moscow was liberated.

The beginning of the Romanov reign. Results and consequences of the Time of Troubles.

In specific historical conditions beginning of the 17th century the priority was the restoration of central power, which meant the election of a new king. Gathered in Moscow Zemsky Sobor, at which, in addition to the Boyar Duma, the highest clergy and the capital's nobility, numerous provincial nobility, townspeople, Cossacks and even black-sown (state) peasants were represented. 50 Russian cities sent their representatives.

The main question was the election of a king. A fierce struggle broke out around the candidacy of the future tsar at the council. Some boyar groups proposed calling a “prince’s son” from Poland or Sweden, others nominated candidates from the old Russian princely families (Golitsyns, Mstislavskys, Trubetskoys, Romanovs). The Cossacks even offered the son of False Dmitry II and Marina Mnishek (“warren”).

After much debate, the members of the cathedral agreed on the candidacy of 16-year-old Mikhail Romanov, the cousin of the last tsar from the Moscow Rurik dynasty, Fyodor Ivanovich, which gave reason to associate him with the “legitimate” dynasty. The nobles saw the Romanovs as consistent opponents of the “boyar tsar” Vasily Shuisky, while the Cossacks saw them as supporters of “Tsar Dmitry”. The boyars, who hoped to retain power and influence under the young tsar, did not object either. This choice was determined by the following factors:

The Romanovs satisfied all classes to the greatest extent, which made it possible to achieve reconciliation;

Family ties with the previous dynasty, the youthful age and moral character of 16-year-old Mikhail corresponded to popular ideas about the shepherd king, an intercessor before God, capable of atonement for the sins of the people.

In 1618, after the defeat of the troops of Prince Vladislav, the Deulin Truce was concluded. Russia lost the Smolensk and Seversk lands, but Russian prisoners returned to the country, including Filaret, who, after being elevated to the patriarchate, became the de facto co-ruler of his son.

On February 21, 1613, the Zemsky Sobor announced the election of Mikhail Romanov as Tsar. An embassy was sent to the Kostroma Ipatiev Monastery, where Mikhail and his mother “nun Martha” were hiding at that time with a proposal to take the Russian throne. This is how the Romanov dynasty established itself in Russia, ruling the country for more than 300 years.

One of the heroic episodes of Russian history dates back to this time. A Polish detachment tried to capture the newly elected tsar, looking for him in the Kostroma estates of the Romanovs. But the headman of the village of Domnina, Ivan Susanin, not only warned the tsar about the danger, but also led the Poles into impenetrable forests. The hero died from Polish sabers, but also killed the nobles lost in the forests.

In the first years of the reign of Mikhail Romanov, the country was actually ruled by the Saltykov boyars, relatives of the “nun Martha,” and from 1619, after the return of the Tsar’s father, Patriarch Filaret Romanov, from captivity, the patriarch and “great sovereign” Filaret.

Troubles have shaken royal power, which inevitably increased the importance of the Boyar Duma. Mikhail could not do anything without boyar council. The local system, which regulated relationships within the ruling boyars, existed in Russia for more than a century and was exceptionally strong. The highest positions in the state were occupied by persons whose ancestors were distinguished by nobility, were related to the Kalita dynasty and achieved the greatest success in their careers.

The transfer of the throne to the Romanovs destroyed the old system. Kinship with the new dynasty began to take on paramount importance. But new system Localism did not take hold immediately. In the first decades of the Troubles, Tsar Mikhail had to put up with the fact that the first places in the Duma were still occupied by the highest titled nobility and the old boyars, who had once tried the Romanovs and handed them over to Boris Godunov for execution. During the Time of Troubles, Filaret called them his worst enemies.

To enlist the support of the nobility, Tsar Mikhail, having no treasury and lands, generously distributed Duma ranks. Under him, the Boyar Duma became more numerous and influential than ever. After Filaret's return from captivity, the composition of the Duma was sharply reduced. The restoration of the economy and state order began.

In 1617, in the village of Stolbovo (near Tikhvin), an “eternal peace” was signed with Sweden. The Swedes returned Novgorod and other northwestern cities to Russia, but the Swedes retained the Izhora land and Korela. Russia lost access to the Baltic Sea, but it managed to get out of the war with Sweden. In 1618, the Truce of Dowlin was concluded with Poland for fourteen and a half years. Russia lost Smolensk and about three dozen more Smolensk, Chernigov and Seversk cities. The contradictions with Poland were not resolved, but only postponed: both sides were not able to continue the war any further. The terms of the truce were very difficult for the country, but Poland refused to claim the throne.

The Time of Troubles in Russia is over. Russia managed to defend its independence, but at a very heavy price. The country was ruined, the treasury was empty, trade and crafts were disrupted. It took several decades to restore the economy. The loss of important territories predetermined further wars for their liberation, which placed a heavy burden on the entire country. The Time of Troubles further strengthened Russia's backwardness.

Russia emerged from the Troubles extremely exhausted, with huge territorial and human losses. According to some estimates, up to a third of the population died. Overcoming economic ruin will be possible only by strengthening serfdom.

The country's international position has sharply deteriorated. Russia found itself in political isolation, its military potential weakened, and for a long time its southern borders remained practically defenseless. Anti-Western sentiments intensified in the country, which aggravated its cultural and, ultimately, civilizational isolation.

The people managed to defend their independence, but as a result of their victory, autocracy was revived in Russia and serfdom. However, most likely, there is no other way of salvation and preservation Russian civilization in those extreme conditions and did not exist.

The main results of the turmoil:

1. Russia emerged from the “Troubles” extremely exhausted, with huge territorial and human losses. According to some estimates, up to a third of the population died.

2. Overcoming economic ruin will be possible only by strengthening serfdom.

3. The country’s international position has sharply deteriorated. Russia found itself in political isolation, its military potential weakened, and for a long time its southern borders remained practically defenseless.

4. Anti-Western sentiments have intensified in the country, which has exacerbated its cultural and, ultimately, civilizational isolation.

5. The people managed to defend their independence, but as a result of their victory, autocracy and serfdom were revived in Russia. However, most likely, there was no other way to save and preserve Russian civilization in those extreme conditions.

History of Russia from ancient times to the beginning of the 20th century Froyanov Igor Yakovlevich

First and Second People's Militia

Now only by relying on the popular masses could the independence of the Russian state be won and preserved. The idea of ​​a national militia is maturing in the country. By February-March 1611, the first militia was formed. Its leader was the Ryazan governor Prokopiy Lyapunov. Soon the militia besieged Moscow, and on March 19 a decisive battle took place, in which the rebel Muscovites took part. It was not possible to liberate the city. Remaining at the city walls, the militia created the highest authority - the Council of the Whole Land. On June 30, 1611, the “Sentence of the Whole Land” was adopted, which provided for the future structure of Russia, but infringed on the rights of the Cossacks and also had a serfdom character. After the murder of Lyapunov by the Cossacks, the first militia disintegrated. By this time, the Swedes had captured Novgorod, and the Poles, after a months-long siege, had captured Smolensk.

The second militia began to be created in one of largest cities countries - Nizhny Novgorod. It was headed by Nizhny Novgorod elder Kuzma Minin and Prince Dmitry Pozharsky. With the help of the population of many cities, material resources were collected. In the spring of 1612, the militia moved to Yaroslavl, where a government and orders were created. In August, the militia entered Moscow. After eliminating the attempts of the Polish detachment of Chodkiewicz to penetrate the Kremlin to help the Polish garrison located there, he surrendered. On October 26, 1612, Moscow was liberated. “Despite all the consequences of the oprichnina,” notes the modern historian N.N. Pokrovsky, “the importance of the zemshchina, which saved the fatherland from foreign robbery, was confirmed on a national scale.”

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Chapter 14 ACTIVITIES OF THE FIRST MILITARY

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T. Doroshenko, senior researcher at the Museum of History of the Meshchansky District of Moscow.

Overcoming the “great ruin” of the Russian state

Fatherland. Pages of history

Militia of 1611 and 1612

Moscow at the end of the 16th - beginning of the 17th century. View of the city center from the north, along the valley of the Neglinnaya River, from the Kuznetsky Bridge. Reconstruction by M. Kudryavtsev.


There have been times in the life of our country when it seemed that it was inevitably in danger of destruction. And only by joining forces, “the whole world” was able to resist the enemy. It didn’t matter what class, what nationality a person belonged to, what education he had and where he lived, the problem was the same for everyone. Saving their homeland, people donated what they had accumulated to help the army and created military detachments. Such voluntary military formations were called “militia”. There have been several of them in Russian history. The first militia of 1611. Second militia of 1611-1612. People's militia of 1812. And finally, the people's militia in the Patriotic War of 1941-1945.

What happened in Russia and Moscow in 1611-1612? Why today, almost 400 years later, was a new (or rather, the old one revived) national holiday established on November 4? Answers to questions must be sought in perhaps the most tragic page of our history, known as the “Time of Troubles” or “Troubles.”

Origins of the Troubles

The events of the late 16th - early 17th centuries, called the Time of Troubles, became for the Muscovite kingdom, according to V. O. Klyuchevsky, a terrible shock that shook its deepest foundations. Russian people called the last years of the Time of Troubles “the great devastation of the Moscow state,” and foreign contemporaries called them “the Moscow tragedy.”

The origins of the Troubles, which exhausted the Russian state, go back to the reign of Ivan IV. On March 18, 1584, Tsar Ivan, who went down in history under the name Grozny, died while playing chess. His father killed his eldest son, Ivan, in a fit of anger in 1581; the youngest, Dmitry, was only two years old, and he lived with his mother, the seventh wife of Ivan the Terrible, Maria Naga in Uglich, which was given to the prince as an inheritance. Grozny's successor was his second son, Tsarevich Fyodor.

Contemporaries assess the personality of Tsar Feodor almost equally. Here is the opinion of the Polish ambassador: “The Tsar is small in stature, rather thin, with a quiet, even obsequious voice, with a simple-minded face, has a meager mind or, as I heard from others and noticed myself, has none, for, sitting on the throne during the Polish reception, he did not stop smiling, admiring first his scepter, then the orb.” Others called him a “sanctified king,” who avoided worldly vanity and thought only about heavenly things. In a word, “in a cell or in a cave - as Karamzin put it - Tsar Fedor would have been more in place than on the throne.”

Ivan the Terrible. 16th century portrait (National Museum of Copenhagen).


Ivan the Terrible, realizing that the throne after him would pass to the “blessed”, created a kind of regency council under his son. At first, Nikita Romanovich Yuryev, the Tsar’s uncle, enjoyed the greatest power in him. But he died, and the influence of another guardian, Boris Godunov, who was Tsar Feodor's brother-in-law, grew. Taking advantage of the tsar's gentle character and the support of his sister-tsarina, Boris, gradually pushing aside other guardians, began to rule the state individually. And he ruled wisely and carefully throughout the 14 years of Fyodor’s reign. It was a time of rest for the state and the people, who had experienced the recent fears and horrors of the pogroms of the oprichnina.

Under Godunov, the accelerated construction of stone kremlins began in Smolensk, Astrakhan, and Kazan. Moscow received strong walls of the White and Zemlyanoy cities, and new fort cities arose on the outskirts of the state. He took care of the serving people, partially freeing them from paying taxes, and established good relations with foreign countries.

And yet, the people did not have complete trust in Godunov: he was suspected of duplicity and deceit. After the tragic death of Tsarevich Dmitry in Uglich (1591), few doubted: who, if not Godunov, benefited from the death of a possible contender for the throne? And although an investigative commission headed by Godunov’s secret enemy, Prince V.I. Shuisky, sent to Uglich, confirmed that the prince was not killed, but that he himself stabbed himself to death in an epileptic fit, alarming rumors continued to circulate around Moscow.

In January 1598, the childless Tsar Fyodor died, there was no one left from the dynasty of Ivan Kalita who could take the throne, Fyodor’s widow Irina went to a monastery. Godunov, using the support of his sister and patriarch Job, managed to rally devoted people around him - and the Zemsky Sobor elected him king.

Moscow service people. Miniature from a handwritten book.


The beginning of Boris's reign met with universal approval. The Tsar cared for the poor, cruelly persecuted “evil” people, invited foreigners to the Russian service and provided benefits to overseas merchants. He paid his attention most of all to the organization of internal order in the country. But, alas, despite all this, the new tsar was not distinguished by state farsightedness. He turned out to be the first “bookless” sovereign in Russia, that is, practically illiterate. The lack of education, despite the presence of common sense and intelligence, narrowed the range of his views, and selfishness and extreme selfishness prevented him from becoming a truly significant figure of his time.

But the main thing is that he made a big strategic mistake. Having been elected to the kingdom by the Zemsky Sobor, he, according to V.O. Klyuchevsky, “should have held on tighter to his significance as a Zemsky chosen one, and he tried to join the old dynasty...”. He aroused the indignation and anger of the well-born nobles, who had suffered a lot under Ivan the Terrible and now wanted to limit the omnipotence of the elected tsar. Boris, feeling the discontent of the boyars and fearing for his power, created a network of police surveillance, the support of which was denunciations and slander. Disgraces, torture, and executions began. The king himself now spent all his time in the palace, rarely went out to the people and did not accept petitions, as previous kings did.

The beginning of the 17th century turned out to be an unusually disastrous time for the people: crop failures followed year after year. People ate grass, tree bark, leather, and talked about cannibalism. Entire villages died out. The people became embittered. Speculation in grain began, food riots, robberies, theft, pestilence... A conviction arose among the people: the kingdom of Boris is not blessed by heaven; if the Godunov family establishes itself on the throne, it will not bring happiness to the Russian land.

Tsar Fyodor Ioannovich - reconstruction of his appearance based on the skull, made by Professor M. M. Gerasimov.

False Dmitry I

Boris Godunov. 17th century portrait.


The year is 1604. Loud news spreads across Moscow: Godunov’s agents stabbed to death a fake child in Uglich, and the real prince is alive and is coming from Lithuania to claim his ancestral throne. This is how the main figure of the Time of Troubles appears - False Dmitry I. Who this man really was is still not known exactly. Although there has long been an opinion, dating back to Godunov, that the impostor was the son of a Galician petty nobleman, Yuri Otrepiev, monastically Gregory, later a runaway monk of the Chudov Monastery.

The named Dmitry was supported by the Polish king Sigismund, however, on strict conditions: having ascended the throne, Dmitry would return Smolensk and the Seversk land to the Polish crown, allow the construction of churches, assist Sigismund in acquiring the Swedish crown and promote the unification of the Moscow state with Poland. The Polish governor Yuri Mnishek also demanded his conditions from Dmitry (despite his influential connections, this man enjoyed the worst reputation in his fatherland) - to marry his daughter Marina, give her possession of Novgorod and Pskov, and pay his, Mnishek's, debts. Dmitry made promises to both the king and Mnishek, but subsequently fulfilled only one thing - he married Marina, with whom he was madly in love.

Marina Mnishek. Unknown Polish artist of the 17th century.


So, having received 40,000 zlotys from the Polish king and taking advantage of the people's dissatisfaction with Boris, Dmitry writes letters to the Moscow people and Cossacks, in which he calls himself the legitimate heir to the Russian throne. As he approaches the Moscow borders, his strength increases, Russians arrive at him from different directions and swear allegiance. Soon there are already 15,000 people in the impostor’s army, and Russian cities continue to betray Boris one after another.


False Dmitry I. Unknown Polish artist of the 17th century.


In the midst of the fight against False Dmitry, on April 13, 1605, at the age of 53, Tsar Boris unexpectedly died of an apoplexy. The next day, his remains were buried in the Archangel Cathedral of the Kremlin - the tomb of the Russian tsars. The people of Moscow, it would seem, swore allegiance to sixteen-year-old Fyodor Godunov without a murmur, but everywhere they heard: “Boris’s children will not reign for long! Dmitry Ivanovich will come to Moscow.” And indeed, Fyodor Borisovich did not reign for even two months. Knowing that False Dmitry I was approaching Moscow, the Moscow boyars rebelled and brutally dealt with the Godunov family: the Queen Mother Maria was strangled, the desperately resisting Fyodor was strangled, and his sister, the beautiful Ksenia, was imprisoned in a monastery. Boris's body was thrown out of the royal tomb and, together with the bodies of the widow and son, buried in the courtyard of the poorest Varsonofevsky monastery. (Only after the Time of Troubles were the ashes of Boris, Maria and Fyodor reburied in the Trinity-Sergius Lavra.)

From Serpukhov, Dmitry rode in a rich carriage, accompanied by noble persons, and stopped in the village of Kolomenskoye. Here he was greeted with bread and salt and presented with expensive gifts. “I will not be your king,” said Dmitry, “but a father, the whole past is forgotten; and I will never remember that you served Boris and his children; I will love you, I will live for the benefit and happiness of my dear subjects.”

On June 20, 1605, the jubilant people solemnly greeted the new Tsar in Moscow. Having entered the Kremlin, Dmitry first prayed in the Assumption Cathedral, then visited Arkhangelsk, where he cried so sincerely at the tomb of Grozny that no one could even imagine that this was not Ivan’s own son. True, the monks noticed that the young tsar did not apply himself to the images exactly as a Russian person does, but they quickly found an excuse - after all, he was forced to live in a foreign land for so long.

And on July 18, the queen, nun Martha, arrived in Moscow. She, of course, “recognized” her miraculously saved son. Countless people looked at this spectacle with emotion, and now no one doubted that there was a true prince on the Moscow throne - such a meeting could only be a meeting between a son and his mother.

On the throne of the Moscow sovereigns, False Dmitry was an unusual phenomenon. Small in stature, ugly, awkward, his appearance did not at all reflect his spiritual nature: richly gifted, with a flexible mind, with a lively temperament, he knew how to speak well, and displayed a fairly diverse knowledge. For the first time in the history of Russia, the young sovereign tried to change the prim order of life of the old Moscow tsars, violated the customs of sacred Moscow antiquity: he did not go to the bathhouse, did not sleep after dinner, treated everyone simply, not like a king. Easy to use, with a cheerful, gentle character, willing and able to delve into state affairs, he quickly gained affection among the people.

And yet the new king made mistakes that cost him his life and doomed the country to even worse times. Although he had not yet fulfilled, and had no intention of fulfilling, his promises to Sigismund, the Russians were offended by the preference he gave to foreigners, emphasizing their superiority and despising Russian prejudices and customs. His wedding with Marina Mnishek and her coronation caused particular irritation. It seemed that the king, in the rapture of love, forgot about everything. Meanwhile, the nobles and servants, located in the houses of Moscow residents, behaved impudently and arrogantly. “Scream, scream, inappropriate talk! - exclaims the chronicler. “Oh, how fire will not come down from heaven and burn these damned ones!”

Noble cavalry of the 16th century as depicted by Sigismund Herberstein.


But, despite the impudence of the newcomers, the Moscow people still loved their king and were unlikely to rise up against him. The death of Dmitry was predetermined by the boyar conspiracy. The high-born boyars did not like the new tsar for his independence and independence; he did not live up to the expectations of the boyars, many of whom wanted to see in him only a figure who would rid them of Godunov.

On May 17, 1606, at dawn, the alarm sounded on Ilyinka. Not knowing what was going on, other Moscow churches began calling. The main conspirators: the Shuisky brothers, V. Golitsyn and M. Tatishchev - rode on horseback to Red Square. The people, running from all sides, heard Shuisky shout: “The Poles are beating the boyars and the sovereign: go beat the Poles!” The conspirators' task was to surround False Dmitry, as if for protection, and kill him.

Dmitry, trying to hide from his enemies, jumped out of the palace window, broke his chest, sprained his leg and lost consciousness for a while. This decided the fate of the impostor: he was captured and brutally killed. The body of the dead impostor, with a mask on his chest and a pipe stuck in his mouth, was placed on Red Square and burned two days later, the ashes were poured into a cannon and fired in the direction from which the said Dmitry came to Moscow.

Thus, after eleven months, the reign of this mysterious person ended.

False Dmitry II and the beginning of the intervention

Tsar Vasily Shuisky, not possessing the abilities of a ruler, did not last long on the throne - from 1606 to 1610.


The main conspirator, Prince Vasily Shuisky, ascended the throne. He, who came from a noble boyar family, was privately chosen by a few supporters. He was an elderly, 54-year-old man of small stature, nondescript, with sore, blind eyes, sparse hair and a beard. A man not so much smart as cunning, accustomed to lying and intriguing, Shuisky was afraid of everything new. In the meantime, he was worried that the late Dmitry would not “resurrect” again, and Shuisky ordered the relics of the prince to be transported from Uglich to Moscow. Queen Martha publicly repented that she had involuntarily recognized Grishka Otrepyev as her son. And the death of the prince, who became a new saint in Rus', was now officially attributed to Boris Godunov.

However, despite all efforts, rumors about Dmitry’s second miraculous rescue began to circulate throughout Russia. A new unrest in the country was gaining momentum. By the summer of 1606, Vasily Shuisky managed, relying on noble boyars, to strengthen his power in Moscow. But the outskirts continued to seethe. A peasant uprising broke out under the leadership of Ivan Bolotnikov. More than 70 cities went over to his side. The army of Bolotnikov, posing as the governor of Tsar Dmitry, besieged Moscow, settling in Kolomenskoye. The siege lasted two months. But the betrayal of the noble detachments who went over to Shuisky’s side doomed the uprising to defeat. Bolotnikov was later captured, blinded and drowned in an ice hole.

But the greatest danger for V. Shuisky was the impostor, who went down in history as False Dmitry II. He was nominated by the Polish gentry, and they were joined by the Cossacks under the leadership of Ataman Ivan Zarutsky. The new impostor turned out to be, oddly enough, similar in appearance to the previous one. And it was also unknown who he really was.

In the summer of 1608, False Dmitry II approached Moscow. He was unable to take the capital and stopped 17 kilometers from the Kremlin, in the town of Tushino - hence his nickname: “Tushino thief.” Soon Marina Mnishek was there too, and “recognized” him as her husband. For twenty-one months the new False Dmitry unsuccessfully besieged Moscow.

The government of Vasily Shuisky, realizing that it was unable to cope with the second impostor, entered into an agreement with Sweden. According to it, Russia renounced its claims to the Baltic coast, and the Swedes in return provided troops to fight. Under the command of the 28-year-old commander M. Skopin-Shuisky, the Tsar’s nephew, successful actions began against the Polish invaders. In response, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth declared war on Russia. After twenty months of siege, Smolensk fell. The Tushino camp ceased to exist because the impostor ceased to interest the Polish gentry, who switched to open intervention. False Dmitry II fled to Kaluga.

In April 1610, M. Skopin-Shuisky died under mysterious circumstances. He was loved by the people and supported by the leading nobility. And it was he who had the right to claim the Russian throne under his childless uncle. According to rumor, he was poisoned, and most likely on the orders of the king.

The tsar's brother Dmitry Shuisky, who did not possess military talents, was appointed leader of the Russian army after his death and was immediately defeated by the Polish troops. The path to Moscow was open. Now the Swedes, having failed to fulfill their promises, began to capture northwestern Russian cities. A threat loomed over Novgorod. The country, torn apart by internal contradictions and external enemies, was heading towards inevitable destruction. And then the boyars, dissatisfied with Shuisky, tried to raise a rebellion against the tsar.

Patriarch Hermogenes, who was constantly at odds with Tsar Vasily, out of a sense of legitimacy, came to his defense as the acting supreme power. Responding to the reproach of the rebellious boyars that blood was being shed because of Vasily and that Moscow alone had chosen him for the kingdom, Hermogenes said this: “Until now, Moscow has indicated to all cities, but neither Novgorod, nor Pskov, nor Astrakhan, nor any other city has indicated Moscow; and that blood is shed, it is done by the will of God, and not by the will of our king.”

And yet, the king’s fate was sealed. The coup took place in the summer of 1610. The nobles overthrew Vasily Shuisky from the throne and forcibly tonsured him as a monk. (Two years later he died in Polish captivity, where he was sent along with his brothers as hostages.) Power was seized by a group of boyars led by F. I. Mstislavsky. This government, consisting of seven boyars, was called the “seven boyars”. Soon it concluded an agreement on the calling of Vladislav, the son of the Polish king Sigismund, to the Russian throne, and thus opened the way for interventionists to Moscow.

There was a direct betrayal of national interests, although the boyars tried to somehow limit the power of the Polish prince under certain conditions. For example, he was not given the right to change folk customs, deprive of property, exile and execute without a boyar sentence, he was obliged to keep only Russians in positions, and could not build churches. And Moscow swore allegiance to Vladislav.

The election of Vladislav did not bring either the long-awaited peace or tranquility. The historian I. Timofeev compared the Russia of that time, deprived of a true tsar, torn to pieces with “a house without an owner, from where greedy servants steal away goods left unattended.”


Smolensk at the beginning of the 17th century. View of Georgievskaya Street. Reconstruction by M. Kudryavtsev.

First militia

Voivode Prince Mikhail Skopin-Shuisky. Parsun of the 17th century.


Among the cities that rose up against the Poles, Ryazan was one of the first. The governor Prokopiy Lyapunov, who came from an old family of Ryazan nobles, rebelled against the invaders and the boyar government that betrayed the country. Occupying a prominent position in his homeland, he was known far beyond the borders of the Russian region. Sanbulov's warriors initially opposed Lyapunov from the Moscow boyars, who were supposed to unite with the Cossacks, supported by Sigismund. Lyapunov, having taken refuge in the Ryazan town of Pronsk, sent out calls for help in all directions. The first to respond was Prince Pozharsky, who was sitting in the voivodeship in Zaraysk. On the way to Pronsk, his detachment was joined by detachments of residents of Kolomna and Ryazan.

Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky. 17th century portrait.


Sanbulov, seeing a significant army in his rear, retreated. Pozharsky, having rescued Lyapunov from encirclement, solemnly entered Ryazan at the head of the united army. They were enthusiastically greeted by the people, and the local archbishop blessed Lyapunov and Pozharsky to fight the foreign conquerors. This is how the First Zemstvo (Ryazan) militia was born. The uprising of the Ryazan residents turned out to be a spark - cities, one after another, declared support for the liberation movement.

Already in February 1611, Russian troops moved towards Moscow from different parts of Russia. The First Militia included nobles, archers, serving Cossacks, black-growing peasants and townspeople, as well as “Tushino” boyars, governors and military men. It numbered, according to the Poles, more than 100,000 soldiers (the Swedes believed no more than 6,000 people).

Discontent also grew among Muscovites. The Poles and their allies - Lithuanians, Germans, Swedes - behaved impudently and arrogantly. The orders issued them “lists for estates,” that is, for the ownership of villages and peasants. Officers and soldiers mocked the Orthodox faith, and entering any house, they took whatever they liked. Trying to protect themselves, Russians were forbidden to keep any weapons in the house, to walk around the city with sticks and knives, or to belt their shirts (at that time it was impossible to hide anything in their bosoms). And everywhere in Moscow there were Polish spies and informers.

The Church of the Entry of the Blessed Virgin Mary into the Temple, on Lubyanka, stood opposite the vast estate of Prince Pozharsky.


According to the agents, it was restless in Moscow, Muscovites were agitating, or, as they used to say, “shouting”: “We stupidly chose a Pole as king...”, “You won’t sit here for long...”, “We didn’t choose the prince so that every brainless Pole would push us around...” Patriarch Hermogenes, thrown into prison for refusing to cooperate with the occupiers, secretly handed over from prison a letter in which he released everyone who swore allegiance to Vladislav from the oath. Hermogenes was tortured to death in prison, but he did his job: letters continued to circulate throughout Rus', calling on the people to resist.

Having learned about militia detachments approaching Moscow, the Poles, in order to prevent them from gathering together, decided to leave Moscow and defeat them one by one. In an effort to strengthen the walls of the Kremlin and Kitai-Gorod with additional artillery, they tried to force Moscow carters to drag cannons onto the Kremlin walls on their horses. They refused. A fight broke out, the soldiers began to destroy the shopping arcades, killing everyone. The news of the massacre in Kitai-Gorod quickly spread throughout Moscow, causing anger and indignation among its residents.

On March 19, 1611, the capital rebelled against the interventionists. Stubborn fighting took place mainly in the White City - on Nikitskaya, at the Yauzsky and Tver Gates. A participant in the battles, nobleman Samuil Maskevich, wrote about the resistance of Muscovites: “We will rush at them with spears, and they will immediately block the street with tables, benches, and firewood. We retreat to lure them out of the fence, they pursue us, carrying tables and benches in their hands, and as soon as they notice that we intend to turn to battle, they immediately block the street and, under the protection of their fences, shoot at us with guns.”

A particularly stubborn battle took place at Lubyanka, near the Vvedenskaya Church. There stood a detachment of Prince Dmitry Mikhailovich Pozharsky, to whom the gunners who lived nearby, the masters of the Cannon Yard, came to their aid. There has long been a street fence near the temple, which was closed at night and blocked the street for fear of “dashing” people. It was here that Pozharsky set up a street barricade, or, as it was called then, a “prison.” The fierce battle lasted two and a half hours, the Poles tried to break through the Russian defenses, but they were repulsed and, in the figurative expression of the chronicler, “trampled” into Kitay-Gorod. It was not possible to oust the rebels from the capital.

The next day, seeing that they could not cope with the rebels, the Poles set fire to the settlement. The wind drove the fire towards the Russians. Moscow is a wooden city, and the fire spared no one. Hetman Zholkiewski, a participant in these battles, writes in his memoirs: “In the extreme crowd of people, a great murder took place: the crying, screaming of women and children represented something similar to the day of the Last Judgment. Many of them, with their wives and children, threw themselves into the fire, and many were killed and burned... The capital of Moscow burned down with great bloodshed and loss, which cannot be estimated. This city was abundant and rich, occupying a vast area: those who have been in foreign lands say that neither Rome, nor Paris, nor Lisbon can equal this city in the size of its circumference.”

They managed to take the seriously wounded Pozharsky from the burning Moscow to the Trinity-Sergius Lavra.

By origin, the Pozharskys belonged to the highest nobility - their family descended from the younger line of the Rurikovichs. The famous Moscow scholar V.B. Muravyov writes: “From the seventh son of Grand Duke Vsevolod the Big Nest, who received the city of Starodub in the Chernigov region as an inheritance and therefore was called Prince Starodubsky, a branch of the Pozharsky princes separated in the seventh generation. Their founder, Prince Vasily Andreevich, fought under the banner of Dmitry Donskoy on the Kulikovo Field. According to legend, he received his nickname - Pozharsky - from his main estate, which was devastated by fires in those hard years, which was not restored for a long time, and they began to call it Pogar, that is, a burnt place.

It was no coincidence that Prince Pozharsky fought with his enemies on the Lubyanka: here, opposite the Church of the Presentation, there was a vast courtyard of the prince with the adjacent territory. Only house No. 14, also known as the house of the Governor General of Moscow in 1812, Count Rostopchin, has survived in its rebuilt form.

In the nearby Church of the Entry into the Temple of the Blessed Virgin Mary, whose parishioners were the Pozharsky princes, a militia shrine was kept - the image of the Kazan Mother of God. And only when the Kazan Cathedral was built on Red Square, the icon was moved there in 1636.

So, the detachments of the First, or, as it was then called, the Ryazan or Zemsky militia, approached Moscow, taking possession of all the entrances to the capital. The Poles in the Kremlin could hold out no more than three weeks. However, the militia was unable to take the Kremlin or close the blockade ring around the entire city. It was not so much a lack of strength that affected this, but rather internal strife and contradictions. There was no unity in the ranks of the militia. It was sharply divided into the nobility and the Cossacks. In order to give some organization to the diverse composition of the militia, its leaders Lyapunov, Trubetskoy and Zarutsky drew up an agreement on the creation of a Provisional Council (government), which was supposed to be in charge of military affairs and deal with all emerging issues. But the document protected primarily the interests of the nobles. In addition, punishments for robbery and self-will were increased, and this could not please the “free” Cossacks.

On July 22, 1611, a Cossack revolt broke out. P. Lyapunov, without taking security, went to the Cossacks to give explanations about the forged letter, where he allegedly, in order to suppress robbery, ordered the Cossack thieves to be seized and beaten on the spot. But Lyapunov was captured and hacked to death by Ataman Karamyshev. The murder of one of the militia leaders was the signal for its collapse. Most of the nobles dispersed to their estates, and militia detachments left for the cities. A Cossack army remained near Moscow, led by Trubetskoy and Zarutsky, which existed by plundering the population, causing sharp discontent.

Second militia

Kozma Minin. Artist L. Stolygvo. 1949


Meanwhile, the country remained without a government. The Poles captured the Kremlin, and the Boyar Duma was abolished by itself. The state, having lost its center, disintegrated into its component parts. By this time, the Swedes had captured Novgorod, and the Poles, after a months-long siege, had captured Smolensk. The Polish king Sigismund III announced that he himself would become the Russian Tsar, and Russia would become part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth

In the fall of 1611, the townsman of Nizhny Novgorod, Kozma Minin, addressed the Russian people and called on them to create a Second Militia. The owner of a decent capital for that time, the owner of two households, a meat merchant and a fish merchant, he always enjoyed the reputation of a man of impeccable honesty. His words are known: “Orthodox people! If we want to help the state, we will not spare our bellies, and not just our bellies... We will sell our yards, we will pawn our wives and children... This is a great thing!.. I know: as soon as we rise to this, many cities will come to us, and we will get rid of the foreigners!”

Minin allocated a third of his property to organize the militia. In addition to voluntary donations, Minin proposed establishing a mandatory tax, and Nizhny Novgorod residents gave Minin the right to “impose fear on the lazy,” that is, to sell the yards of sheltering payers. The organization of the militia immediately stood on solid material foundations. All that remained was to find a worthy military leader.

At that time, Prince D. M. Pozharsky, who had barely recovered from his wounds, lived on his estate 120 versts from Nizhny. People said about him: “A man is honest, who cares for a custom, who is skilled in such matters and who has not committed treason.” It was to him that envoys from Nizhny Novgorod arrived with a request to lead the militia.

The military core of the Second Militia consisted of a well-organized and armed petty nobility. The townspeople also played a big role in it. Over time, Cossacks and then peasants began to join the militia. The soldiers of the Second People's Militia went into battle under a banner on which the motto was the words: “Get up, go, fight and win.”

They decided to go to Moscow through Yaroslavl. The people of Yaroslavl met Pozharsky with icons and offered all the property they had for the common cause. Here the militia stood for several months, replenished with newly arrived forces. A provisional government of Russia, the “Council of All the Earth,” was created in Yaroslavl, a state body similar to the Zemsky Sobor. The clergy and boyars played a rather insignificant role in it. The vast majority in the “Council” belonged to the petty nobility and the townspeople.

Prince Pozharsky was afraid to go to Moscow while the Cossacks remained there. As it turned out, not without reason: the leader of the Cossacks, I. Zarutsky, tried to organize an assassination attempt on Pozharsky by sending hired killers. The assassination attempt failed, and Zarutsky fled from Moscow in July 1612. A little later he joined forces with Marina Mnishek’s detachment. He tried to nominate her son to the throne, then led the peasant-Cossack movement in the Don and Volga region in 1613-1614. However, the Cossacks handed him over to the government, he was captured in Astrakhan and executed. Marina Mnishek was also extradited along with Zarutsky (she died in captivity). And her son and False Dmitry II were executed in Moscow, at the Serpukhov Gate.

Meanwhile, the Polish hetman Chodkiewicz was approaching Moscow with reinforced troops and provisions for the Poles holed up in the Kremlin. Moving towards Moscow slowly and carefully, on August 20, the militia of Minin and Pozharsky approached the city. On the approaches to the capital, he was joined by units of the First Militia led by Prince D. Trubetskoy. The Russian army stood along the wall of the White City to the Alekseevskaya Tower on the Moscow River. The main forces concentrated at the Arbat Gate. Khodkevich tried to cross the Moscow River at the Devichye Pole, but the Moscow archers repelled the attack, and the hetman stopped at the Donskoy Monastery.

The main battle took place a few days later in Zamoskvorechye. Khodkevich managed to reach Pyatnitskaya Street, and here a fierce battle with the Cossacks ensued. Minin at this time struck the two Lithuanian companies left in the rear, which decided the outcome of the battle. Khodkevich realized that the purpose with which he arrived in Moscow had not been achieved: he could not deliver food to the garrison. He ordered the rest of the carts to be saved and went to the Sparrow Hills. On the morning of August 25, 1612, the hetman fled from Moscow “for the sake of his shame, straight to Lithuania.” The fate of the Polish garrison in the Moscow Kremlin, abandoned to the mercy of fate, was predetermined.

On September 15, Pozharsky sent a letter to the Poles besieged in the Kremlin and Kitai-gorod, in which he urged them to surrender and promised to release the entire garrison unharmed.

The Poles responded to this generous letter with an arrogant refusal, confident that the hetman would return. Meanwhile, weeks passed - there was no hetman, famine began. In October it reached terrifying proportions. All the horses, cats, and dogs were eaten, people gnawed on their belts, and it even reached the point of cannibalism. On October 22, Trubetskoy’s Cossacks attacked Kitay-Gorod. The hungry Poles were not able to defend themselves and went to the Kremlin. This day is considered the day of the liberation of Moscow from the invaders.

The icon of the Kazan Mother of God was solemnly brought into Kitai-gorod and they vowed to build a church, which was erected opposite the Nikolsky Gate of the Kremlin. In memory of the events of October 22, the feast of the icon of the Kazan Mother of God was established. (This national holiday, established in memory of the end of one of the most tragic pages of Russian history, will henceforth be celebrated on November 4 according to the new style.)

On October 25, all the Kremlin gates stood wide open - Russian troops, preceded by a religious procession, entered the Kremlin.

After the liberation of Moscow, the leaders of the militia remained in power in the capital, and throughout Russia: Prince Trubetskoy - the head of the Cossack army, Prince Pozharsky and Minin. The government of the people's militia considered its most important task to be the restoration of state power and state unity. And in December, letters were sent to all cities of the country, notifying that the best and most intelligent people should be sent from everywhere to Moscow to elect the sovereign of all Rus'.


The exit of the Poles from the Kremlin in 1612. From a painting. E. Lissner.