Petrogradskaya CC. Moses Solomonovich Uritsky: Biography. CC - female face

January 02, 1873 - August 30, 1918

russian revolutionary and political figure, known primarily by their activities as chairman of the Petrograd CC

Biography

Born in a Jewish merchant family, at a three-year-aged left without a father. He received traditional religious education, studied in the gymnasium in Cherkassy (the first state city gymnasium) and the White Church. In 1897 he graduated from the law faculty of Kiev University.

In a revolutionary movement since the beginning of the 90s. Member of the RSDLP since 1898. In 1899, he was arrested, exiled to the Yakut province. After the 2nd Congress of the RSDLP (1903) Menshevik. Member of the revolution of 1905 in St. Petersburg, Krasnoyarsk. In 1906, he was arrested, exiled to Vologda, then in the Arkhangelsk province. In August 1912, a participant in the Social Democratic Conference in Vienna, at the VI Congress of the RSDDP (b) entered the Central Committee as one of the leaders of the social democratic faction of the Interdradesev, which was headed by Trotsky.

In 1914, emigrated abroad. In 1916 lived in Stockholm. He was a correspondent of the Paris-affected newspaper "Our Word", edited by Trotsky. He worked at the Institute for the Study of Social Impact of War, created by Israel Gelfand (Parvus).

After the February Revolution, 1917 returned to Petrograd, entered the Interdradese group, together with which he was admitted to the Bolshevik Party at the 6th Congress of the RSDLP (b); At the congress elected a member of the PCDRP Central Committee (b). In August 1917, he was introduced by the Bolsheviks to the Commission for Elections to the Constituent Assembly, became the vowels of the Petrograd Duma. At the same time, he worked in the newspaper "True", the journal "Forward" and other party editions.

In October Days 1917, a member of the Military Revolutionary Party Center for the leadership of an armed uprising, a member of Petrograd VRK. After the victory of the revolution, the Commissioner of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, then the Commissioner of the All-Russian Commission on the convening of the Constituent Assembly. Organized the dissolution of the All-Russian Constituent Assembly.

In February 1918, a member of the Committee of the Revolutionary Defense of Petrograd. The question of the conclusion of the Brest world 1918 was adjacent to the "left communists". At the 7th Congress of the RCP (b) elected a candidate for the members of the Central Committee. From March 10, 1918 Chairman of the Petrograd CC. From April 1918, this post was combined with the post of commissioner of the internal affairs of the Northern Region.

In March 1918, Uritsky became Chairman of the Petrograd CC (since April, combining this post with the post of Commissioner of the internal affairs of the Northern Region). Here he showed himself as one of the most sinister figures of the first years of the Board of Bolsheviks. According to Lunacharsky, Uritsky was an "iron hand, which really kept the throat of counter-revolution in his fingers." In fact, Terror, deployed by Uritsky in Petrograd, was aimed at the physical destruction not only "counter-revolution" (that is, conscious opponents of the Soviet power), but also everyone who at least potentially could not support the Bolsheviks. By order of Uritsky, demonstrations of workers indignant by the actions of the new power were shot; Tractors are subjected to, and then killed by the Baltic Fleet officers and their family members. Several barges with arrested officers were surfed in Finnish bay. Petrogradskaya CC found a reputation of truly the Devil's Dog, and her head was horrified by the name.

On the morning of August 30, 1918 killed in the lobby of the People's Commissariat of the internal affairs of Petrocommums (on the Palace Square), Leonid Channelist, who said immediately after the arrest, which did it to redeem the guilt of his nation for the Bolsheviks' delayed by Jews: "I'm a Jew. I killed a vampire of the Jew, a drop behind the drop of the blood of the Russian people. I sought to show the Russian people, that for us Uritsky is not a Jew. He is a sprawle. I killed him hoping to restore the good name of Russian Jews. ". Channelist himself belonged to a small party of folk socialists, whose leader, Nikolay Tchaikovsky, just led the Socialist Government in

In triangles - page numbers. The page number is preceded by the text printed on it. In square brackets - Note numbers. Printed: National history. 2003. N1. . P. 3-21

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Moses Uritsky:
Robespierre revolutionary petrograd? During spring and summer 1918. M.S. Uritsky, the head of the Petrograd CC (PCC), became for opponents of the Bolsheviks by the personification of terror and a kind of Robespierre revolutionary Petrograd. However, the facts that will be analyzed by anyone refute such a representation. Among the parties in the party and even many former prisoners, he enjoyed a well-deserved reputation of a person moderate, with disapproval of the fact about the extremes in repression. Not quite true and characteristic by the leaders of the Bolsheviks Uritsky as the "man of Trotsky". In Dan-Nom Sketch about the activities of Uritsky in 1918, I will try to show that he spent his own, well-defined political line, uncompromisingly and firmly defending it if necessary. Moses Solomonovich Uritsky was born in 1873. Not far from Kiev in the family of the Ev-Riisk merchant. At 13, he strongly rejected the deep religious education, which was trying to impose his mother. After graduating from the gymnasium, Uritsky entered the Faculty of Law of the Kiev University, where he became an active member of the Socialdemocratic student circle. In 1897, completing training at the University, it fully devotes himself to revolutionary work. Political agitation and propaganda, underground activities in Ukraine, in Central Russia, in the Urals and Siberia alternated in his life with long periods of imprisonment, references and emigration to Germany, Sweden and Denmark. In the pre-war years, Uritsky - the left Menshevian, politically close to Trotsky, the cooperation with which continued during the war in Paris, and then in spring and in the summer of 1917 - in Petrograd. At that time, Uritsky enjoyed great influence in the Interdistrict Organization of the RSDLP and played a significant role in the union with the Bolsheviks at the VI party congress in July 1917. Here, as in the VII Congress of the RSDLP (b) in March 1918, he is elected by a member of the Bolshevik Central Committee. After re-riding the Soviet government to Moscow in March 1918 and up to his death in Av-Guste the same year, Uritsky was a member of the Petrograd bureau of the Central Committee. During the October Revolution, Uritsky actively participated in the work of the Petro-Grand Military Revolutionary Committee. Soon he also became a member of the Presidium-Ma of the Central Bank and the NKVD Board. In addition, as the Bolshevik Commissioner in the recreation of the All-Russian Commission for Elections to the Constituent Assembly, Uritsky from-chassing for its discovery and work, so his dissolution in the perception of society was firmly connected with his name. An ardent left communist during intrapartler disputes about the Brest world, in sobering from many other left left, among those who, after ratifying the peaceful-thief, stopped the struggle for the continuation of the revolutionary war. The low, full, with a slow, swaying gait, Uritsky was a phlegmatic man, if not mild. Always dressed in a suit-triple, with a constant pens nose,

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in 1918, he was rather rather at the university professor than on the Revo-Lüceer radical. In the initial composition of the Council of Peterograd Labor Commune (SNK PTK), formed on the night from 10 to and March 1918, simultaneously with the transition of the central government to Moscow, the most influential figure was Trotsky. He headed the Military Revolutionary Commissariat, which united the functions of the co-missariates of the internal affairs and the military and possessed the unlimited power in the case of the internal order and leadership of the defense of Petrograd from the rapidly coming German troops. At the same time, Uritsky and as a member of the College of the Military Revolutionary Commissioner, and as the head of the PCC was subordinate to Trotsky. However, after a few days after the departure of the Central Government, Trotsky was withdrawn to Moscow, where he was headed by the People's Commissariat of Military Affairs, and Uritsky, remaining the first head of the PCC, became the Commissioner of the Interior of SNK PTK. However, this structure also turned out to be short-lived. The organization of the Petrograd government was completed only at the end of April. It was then at the I Congress of the Soviets of the Northern Region, the Oblast in Petrograd on April 26-29, the Coalition Bolshevik-Leveteservical Government was formed - the Council of Commissioners of the Union of Commune North Region. (SKSO SKSO), which existed up to the so-called Levo-Eserovsky Mondech in early July. Even before the formation of this government, the PCC, on the abolition of which the left sector insisted during the negotiations with the Bolsheviks, was separated from the Commissariat of the Interior. Uritsky while maintained control over the PCC and the co-target for the revolutionary security of Petrograd. The Commissioner of the Internal Affairs was the influential left ether p.p. Sustained. Already on the first day of his stay as the head of the Military Revolutionary Co-Missariat, SNK PTK Trotsky announced the intention to "destroy the Earth of the Earth of Counterrevolutionary, Pommers, White Guards, who are trying to sow confusion and confusion." So pompous rhetoric corresponded to the character-ru Trotsky. After 2 days, Uritsky, as the chairman of the PCC issued an equally rigidly audio order in which he threatened to shoot those who would offer a brief or attack the members of the Commission and its employees. But for him, such an order was rather unusual, and it should be evaluated in the context of the rapid deterioration of the political situation, seriously aggravated after the random evacuation of the central government. In fact, Uritsky had to organize the RCC from scratch. Before leaving to Moscow, the HCHK began organizing its Petrograd branch. It was decided that all the important things that the PCC will then be sent to Moscow for the final decision. In a word, the PCC should have existed as subordinate to the structure of the structure until the seemingly inevitable occupation of Petrograd by the Germans would not put an end to its activities. Accordingly, 2 million rubles, apparently, compared to the most, if not all financial resources that occurred at its disposal of the NII, were to be transferred to Moscow. There were also evacuated by all employees of the co-mission, "without leaving the soul", and also transported all the marks in Petrograd. Chairman of the Federal History F.E. Dzerzhinsky left Uritskom several hundred of the prisoners held at the headquarters of the ChC on the Gorokhova, 2 and in the famous "crosses", and a single document with information about the reasons for their arrest. Moreover, Uritsky did not even receive a list of prisoners. All this testified that, by kinuing Petrograd, the leadership of the National Security Committee considered to be excessive to take care of any long-term operation of the PCC. Therefore, one of the most urgent problems that took place before Uritsky, the problem of finding new employees was provided. March 12, the day after the run of the government to Moscow, the Petrogradsky Committee of the Bolsheviks Party

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vil "Attract people from the areas, entrusted to them the further organization of work." Annexing additional mobilization in the district party committees, the city party leadership, as it did in other such cases, it seemed to be responsible for the activities of the government body (in this case, the PCC). The next day, Gleb Boky, who was in 1917, one of the most respected members of the St. Petersburg Committee of the Bolshevik Party, is also his restrained attitude towards political repression, he was appointed by the Deputy Uritsky. At the same time, the leadership positions in the PCC took other veterans of the party. Guide, the Secretariat and the Promotional Commission, part of the Kras-Noi Guard were formed quite quickly. It was much more difficult to find qualified agents and investigators. A significant part of the latter turned out to be incompetent and / or corrupt. Already putting on his feet, the PCC began to hold arrests suspects in counter-revolution and speculation. However, judging by the reports of a small-wist presses, many of the detainees were soon released. At the same time, Uritsky strictly adhered to the principle of the inadmissibility of the liberation of concluded under the guarantee or guarantee of influential persons. Already at the beginning of April, his focusing protection of this principle in the face of the growing pressure from high-alienated Bolsheviks from Moscow, as well as Zinoviev caused an unprecedented public dispute. As the Uritsky himself explained in the official report from 6 Apr-la, at the first meeting of the PCC in mid-March, it was decided "for fairness" not to free the arrested on bail. Therefore, he called on his colleagues in the government to refrain from such petitions. However, this appeal is permanently ignored. The PTK commissars systematically applied to him "for their friends or acquaintances of their friends." Moreover, having received a rejection of the PCC, many of them across Uritsky's head accepted support for Moscow or to Pred Zidodium Petrograd Council. The leadership of the PCC, refusing to fulfill the direct order of the People's Commissar, to release one of the arrested, organized by the non-Kim Petrograd party functionar, and forced to submit to another such requirement emanating from the chairman of the Presidium of Piezo-Viev, decided to publish this problem. Uritski's official message was filled with a re-requirement to stop such applications. The PCC, he added, as far as possible, investigates cases and frees the detainees, and the petitions for release only delay this process. Zinoviev answered the publication of the statement, where it was said that in just a few weeks before the presidency of Petrosovet, he freed the defense of the famous Menshevik R. Abramovich and has the right to act in the future. Od-Nako this case, in turn insisted Uritsky, could not have for the PCC value of the precedent, since Abramovich was released even before moving the PCC to Moscow. I could not find out how this public controversial ended. However, in this context, it is more important that it illustrates the hardness of Uritsky in matters, which he considered principled. We will not forget that Zipidsky was a member of the Central Government, and Zinoviev was headed by the city authority of Petrograd. At that time, the shootings of the arrested were continued in Petrograd, which carried out not the PCC, but by other bodies of the new government (the PEC began practicing such executions at the end of February). First of all, this measure was applied for especially grave criminal pro-steps. The number of murders and robberies committed by various gangs increased dramatically in the city, and very often the criminals issued themselves to Chekists. Wild, random executions, most of which were accompanied by drunken red army recruits, Krasnogvardeys and Anarchists19. Every night in the main Petrograd hospitals delivered many selected on the streets of bodies. Often, the killers hid, removing clothes with victims. Most of the corpses were ordered in the morgue unidentified for several weeks, and then their disorder

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but buried in fraternal graves. But the bodies identified by relatives were left by them in the morgue. Cruelty bloomed in Petrograd lush color. Once at the head of the PCC, Uritsky, from the very beginning, refused to authorize executions. In general, his attention was focused not so much on the establishment of the order through terror, but on specific measures aimed at the pre-deficiency of economic crimes, abuse by the authorities, Nasi-Leia on the streets. This orientation of the chairman of the PCC, a plugiously distinguished from the Poly Tika in Moscow, was reflected in his first orders. March 15, after 2 days after the approval by Petrosovet Uritsky in office, he published a pre-versatile instruction aimed at tight control over the consequence and on the detention of corrupt Chekists, as well as criminals issuing themselves to present PCC. It was noticeable to eliminate the military armies of the Red Army from the composition of the OR-Ghanov, authorized to lead the investigation. A week later, an order was made public, giving residents of the city for 3 days to put an unregistered weapon, and the violating it had to be subjected to the court of the military tribunal (they did not threaten the dive-scrap). At the same time, the district councils were ordered to strengthen the outdoor patrols for the confiscation of all unregistered weapons. On April 4, Nikolai Krestinsky was appointed by the Commissioner of Justice SNK PTK. Like Uritsky, he had a legal education and the tremendous experience of revolutionary acts, was on the side of the left communists during the disputes about the Brest-Lithuanian world and has established itself as an opponent of extreme repressive measures. A member of the Bolshevik Central Committee and the Petrograd Bureau of the Central Committee, among the parties in the party, he was known for his extraordinary memory, developed, as they said, because of very poor vision, which practically did not allow him to read. In combination with the pressure of Uritsky, this appointment seems to forced the Government of Petrograd to change the relevant legal procedures to the arrested political opponents (it should be added that the authorities at this time were very concerned that would, demonstrating their "human face ", conquer folk support). Another reason, obviously, became the urgent need to reduce the number of overflowing prisoners of prisoners, of which the authorities were unable to feed, contain and treat from rapidly spreading infectious diseases (specially fired in prisons TIF). In addition, the Kronstadt sailors are increasingly more active than the unwillingness to take on its territory who has no longer fit in Petrograd-sky prisons of the detainees. Their position was expressed in the editorial article "News of the Kronstadt Council": "Oils and whole groups of arrested persons were sent and sent to Kronstadt ... Moreover, with most of them, even materials are not transmitted and notes are not specified that To do with them. To such an ugly understanding of the role of Kronstadt should be polo-wives. The big red kronstadt is not a warehouse of counter-revolutionary elements, not a universal prison and not All-Russian Eshafot ... He cannot and does not want to be some kind of revolutionary Sakhalin; he does not want So that his name was synonymous with prison and the executioner. " A few days after his appointment, the Krestinsky was authorized to contribute to the placement of detainees, accelerate the investigations and courts on their affairs. As was formulated in the decision of the SNK PTK, "[Petrogradsky] Council is absolutely necessary that those prisoners whose deeds can be taken out of the relevant authorities for consideration by the court immediately exempted. To this end, the Council of Justice provides the most broad -cain. " These efforts were supported by May Day amnesty for many categories of criminal and political prisoners initiated by the Government of 27 Apr-la. Pre-approved SNK PTK, amnesty was without wires approved

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I congress the Soviets of the Northern Region. Judging by the text of the resolution, published on May 1, the political prisoners have fallen under it, all categories of prisoners over 70 years and criminal criminals, convicted for up to 6 months (deadlines for the guilty of perpetrators in more serious crimes decreased by half).
Commenting on his position in the press in relation to the amnesty, expressed on the ground-Denmark of the Bolshevik faction of the congress, Zinoviev tried to focus on the polynicual meaning of this act. According to him, he argued at this meeting that "Soviet power needs to abandon the previous methods of combating political opponents, [that] the Soviet power has become so strong that individual political opponents do not represent a more threat to her [and that] workers and soldiers By woning them in the economic and political struggle, do not want to treat them as it is accepted in all imperialist and monarchical states. " In front of the city council, approved by Amnesty, Zinoviev boasted that the question about her was put to Len in Petrograd, regardless of Moscow. So it was. It is characteristic that when the board of the People's Commissariat of Justice, headed by P. Pochka, learned about the scale of Petrograd amnesty, she demanded that the CCSO cancellation of those points of this decision, according to which "patented counter-revolutionaries" were subject to Ambulaty. Nevertheless, a few posture of Krestinsky proposed to free the three most odious representatives of the Higher Tsarist bureaucracy contained in Petrograd - S.P. Beletsky, I.G. Scheglovitova and A.N. Tail. The board imposed a decisive veto for this project and decided to make a publicity. At the same time, the imposed PCC was expanded on the distraction. On April 16, Petrogradsky Sovvrkkom received a report of Uritsky on the restriction of the powers of the Committee on the revolutionary security of Petrograd by investigative functions. Neither the details of this report nor comments on his occasion apparently were not recorded in the documents. However, the report apparently led to a comprehensive discussion of the question of which city authorities have the right of executions (Komi-Tet on revolutionary security after moving the PCC and banning Uritsky to Ras-arrows in the PCC became a major institution that was still implemented in Petrograd Kazni). As a result of this discussion, the Captain was charged with "to develop a re-dress (a) on the inadmissibility of executions and (b) on cases where weapons should be applied." On April 23, the Krestinsky presented his "guidelines", after which SNK PTC announced that henceforth "no institution in the mountains. Petrograd has no RESPORT-FALS rights." This ban touching the PCC, the Committee on Revolutionary Security, Revolution Tribunals, the Red Guard, the parts of the Red Army and the district councils. Thus, in Petrograd, permission was officially canceled, proclaimed during the German offensive at the end of February. Spring and the beginning of the summer of 1918 in Petrograd were marked by a noticeable strengthening of lithic dissatisfaction with the masses, caused by not justified by the hopes for the rapid opinion of the world, a sharp increase in unemployment, chaotic evacuation and a catastrophic lack of food. In Moscow, such performances ended in an undeclared "red terror", which carried out primarily the HCC. In Petrograd such a policy was not carried out, which was largely explained by the position of Uritsky, supported by the Kraspinsky and Pasta. The dissatisfaction with the masses led to the creation of an unrestrained emergency assembly of authorized factories and plants of Petrograd. Up to its dissolution in July 1918. This organization used tangible support for workers36. As far as I know, her leaders, although they were persecuted, but were not arrested.
The dissatisfaction with the masses was also reflected in the pogroms whose participants were working, and in a sharp strengthening of open and aggressive anti-Semitism. Last phenomenon

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such characteristic of traditional Russian society was even more aggravated by the fact that many prominent Bolsheviks were Jews. As a rule, anti-Semitism among the workers was heated and used by ultra -action, monarchical or-genizations. One of these organizations, the "revealed" PCC turned out to be "Camorra on native violence." At the end of May, she sent the chairmen of the house committees of all Petrograd, the leaflet contained the requirement to provide "Camorra" information about the Bolsheviks and Jews in their homes in order to be further dedicated. All those who have honesting this information or informed the wrong data, the authors of the List Tovka promised to subjected to severe punishment. On May 30, the Petrograd Council, concerned about the influence of such propaganda literature on the already embossed workers, warned them "against the pogromous leaflets, spread on behalf of the fictional organizations by counter-revolution, the former heads of the Union of the Russian People", adding that these whether they sow "the most ridiculous, pogromic rumors who are intended to cause the troubled people in the daily milk people. " After 3 days, a special commission was formed with non-limited authority to suppress counter-revolutionary agitation, which "recently extends particularly broadly due to difficulties in food-stem." The commission included Uritsky, Pozhany and Mikhail Lashevich (Chief Commissioner Staff of the Petrograd Military District). On the same day, the PCC was able to attack Luke Zlodnikov - the alleged author and the main races of the "Order of the Camorra". One of the leading investigators of the PCK Stanislav Baikovsky acted on the basis of the version that the case of Zlotnikov and "Kamorra" should be considered part of the extensive counter-revolutionary conspiracy of the former members of the Union of Russian people. However, the materials of the investigative work testify that he failed to find evidence of this version. Of the 90 mixed in Dee, among which there was also the first foreign agent of the National Security Service of Alexey Filippov, only Py Terro were accused of direct participation in the activities of "Camorrs". They were all shot. Nevertheless, it should be emphasized that their execution took place only with the beginning of the "Red Terror" after the murder of Uritsky. Deserves the fate of Filippov. I am engaged in the revolution from the publication, it became an agent of the CC and the personal friend of Dzerzhinsky before moving the Chechk to Moscow. Throughout spring 1918. He continued to work on Dzerzhinsky, periodically leaving in Finland. However, after Filippov turned out to be a folk violence, Uritsky, obviously, without the knowledge of Dzerzhinsky, ordered him to arrest him and transmit it from Moscow to Petrograd. At the end of July 1918. Dzerzhinsky has tried unsuccessfully to achieve his release. Filippov remained in the "crosses" before the completion of the case of "Camorra" in September.
For the period of mass exclusion, the first attempt to abolish the PCC, which was a branch of the PKC, in turn, created as a temporary institution. It is possible how that the initial stage of active, albeit chaotic efforts to establish the system of city bodies of public and political security from above to bottom (with the simultaneous abolition of the PCC) can be considered already mentioned Urit-Relian Report by the Petrograd Coviet Council on the change in the functions of Komi-theta on the revolutionary Security of Petrograd. One way or another, Uritsky, Krestinsky and Siberian (entered into the Petrograd government at the end of April), as well as Petrograd district councils, were the main acting persons of these attempts. By mid-June, it was launched from the very moment of his entry to the SKSO SKSO, which opened his hostility to the PCC, developed a detailed plan for secure security in the city. He assumed the creation at the city and district levels of the trained "Guard" of the Committee on the revolutionary security of Petrograd

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and periodic mobilization of city residents for the execution of Militia Responsions. Consisting of citizens unarmed patrols were to watch the order around the clock in the city and report "where follows" about any manifestations of pre-fixed activity, including political. Despite its unrealistic, this plan eliminated the need for the existence of such organs created by AD HOC as a PCC. As Lazis was remembered, the initial leaders of the Chechki also rejected "Security Methods" - the use of secret agents, provocateurs, etc. And, like the Sustaine, they pinned their hopes that they would be replaced by vigilant rayochy, becoming "eyes and ears" of the HCH. There are serious grounds to believe that Uritsky at that time supported the dissolution of the PCC. One of the reasons for this was that it turned out to be flooded speculators. April 20, Elena Stasova, at that time, the secretary of the Petrograd bureau of the Central Committee, in a letter to the wife of Sverdlova Claudia, who was in Moscow, wrote about the discontent in Petrograd, ChK: "... If we believed that both commission were absolutely not They have nothing positive, then we would immediately raise the immediate campaign against them and would achieve their elimination ... Criticism is always necessary ... I don't know how dzerzhinsky, and Uritsky definitely says that in the sense of fighting speculation They constantly encounter the fact that the threads lead to them to the pea, which is thus the center of the Special Couples. " There were two more reasons why Uritsky, apparently, did not oppose the idea of \u200b\u200bthe dissolution of the PCC. The leadership of this organization was the right thing for him to be unpleasant, and relationship with the boss on the CC Dzerzhinsky line, which was still important, were extremely tense. These relations were initially not easy due to the situation in which the PKC left his Petrograd branch, Evacha-going to Moscow. The requirements of Uritsky convey to him the affairs of the prisoners remaining in Petrograd were ignored by Dzerzhinsky and later. But it was more significant that Uritsky considered the spellings carried out by useless, and the methods of dopro-owls are odious. His sense of disgust to such methods was reflected in the Dzerzhinsky recent letter, caused by the testimony of the 14-year-old Vsevolod Anosov, who told about the extremely ill-treatment of the PLC investigators during interrogations in Moscow. Expressing his indignation, Uritsky demanded that Dzerzhinsky investigate this incident and punished by the Vi-new boy. Undoubtedly, Dzerzhinsky, for its part, was outraged by the unexpected detention of Uritsky Filippov. Moreover, it seems obvious that the leader of the HCC was concerned about the shift of the PCC in the direction of moderation and considered Uritsky undisciplined and too soft for his position held by him. So, in mid-April, he learned with indignation that some of the detainees, which he ordered the PCC to say on suspicion of espionage, were released. His concern about Uritsky indirectly manifested itself on June 12, 1918. During the meeting of the Bolshevik faction at the I All-Russian Emergency Community Conference, which gathered to discuss the most urgent political and organizational problems. The faction approved a harsh resolution called "to use seventive staff; to withdraw from the appeal of prominent and active managers of the Mo-Narchists-Cadets, Right with [Ovialists] -volyuverationers] and Mensheviks; Take account and establish a surveillance of generals and officers, take under Observation of the Red Army, the team composition, clubs, mugs, schools, etc.; Apply the measure of execution against prominent and obviously untouched counter-revolutionaries, speculators, robite lei and bribery. " It is important to note that the faction votes and for the pre-laying of the Central Committee of the Party to withdraw Uritsky from the post of the head of the PCC and "replace it with a resistant and decisive companion who is able to firmly and steadily to carry out the merciless suppression and fighting hostile elements, Spinning Soviet power and revolution. " Chaired at the meeting Ivan Pol <10>

mode is a key figure in the National Security Committee, the head of the most important department for the fight against counter-volution. It is extremely unlikely that he could conduct any resolution without co-publication with Dzerzhinsky. However, the problem was not only in Uritsky. There is evidence that the position of Uritsky and Pasta about the fate of the PCC was shared by the Krestinsky and most of the members of the Central Committee of the Central Committee (which, perhaps, caused the mentioned correspondence of Novgorod and Stasova). Already on April 13, the Bureau discussed the resolution proposed by Adolf Ioffe to recommend the Central Committee to abolish the PEC and the PCC. It is said in it: "In view of the fact that the Commission of Uritsky and Dzerzhinsky is more harmful than it is used, and in their activities are used completely unacceptable, obviously provocative techniques, the Petrograd office of the Central Committee invites the Central Committee to apply for the Council of Frameworking both these comIS sii. "True, as a result, for this resolution VOLOGOval is only Ioffe. However,it is clear that the Bureau decided "temporarilye to initiate cases against the essencethe binding of the commission of Dzerzhinsky and Uritsky in view ofwhat it is only Krasive gesture. " Newspaper reports on the Justice Commissioner managers held on June 20, apparently give the key to clarify the position of the Krestinsky in relation to the PCC. As follows from these reports, which were not officially refuted, nor at the non-official level, the meeting should have discussed the work of the Uritsky Commission and the reorganization of the investigative department of the Justice Commissioner. However, in the right of it, it was discussed almost exclusively problems associated with the operations of the PCC. Having discussed them, the participants of the meeting made the decision "Commission of Uritsky to liquidate." To Dzerzhinsky information about it reached 2 days, and you cansew be how he was outraged. In a letter to the Central Committee of the Party of April 29, he justified the need to replenish the HCC with new employees, motivating this by the fact that the further existence of the Soviet government depends entirely on the powerful and empowered security authority, large enough to undergo close ties with Party, tips and work masses. His ambitious idea of \u200b\u200bthe exceptional role of the PEC compared to other organs of great-book and government agencies was generally affected by the decision I of the I Russian Conference of the CC to fully entrust the task of "merciless struggle" with counter-revolution, speculation and corruption throughout the country. It was reflected in the decision taken by the same conference on the need for dissolution of all other security authorities, as well as in the Declaration that emergency co-missions are the highest authorities of the administrative power in the territory of the Council-Skoy Russia. While the conference declared CC claims on the exclusive role of the body to ensure the security of the country, and declared that the Commission co-put from anyone who did not depend the maximum centralized power vertical, the CC of the second in the significance of the city of Russia - Petrograd was on the verge of samorem. Discussed this situation on the board of the NEC, Dzerzhinsky sent an official telegram to the head of SKSO ZSO Novyev, the official telegram: "There are information in the newspapers that the Commissioner of YUS-TEACI is trying to dissolve the Emergency Commission of Uritsky. The All-Russian Upden Commission believes that in the present in particular the exacerbation of the situation This body is in no way unacceptably unacceptable. In contrast, the All-Russian Conferentiation of Emergency Commissions on the Drainage of Reports from Places about the country's political co-standing has concluded a firm decision on the need to strengthen these organo-new, subject to centralization and coordination of their work. On the above collegen Giya HCHK asks to report a friend Uritsky. " But even before the Petrograd authorities responded to the Dzerzhinsky telegram, an event occurred, which made the Ros-launch of the PCC very dubious. This was the murder of Moses Goldstein, a better known under the pseudonym V. Volodarsky.

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The 26-year-old Volodarsky, in the past, a member of the Bund was a professional revolutionant who used among the Petrograd Bolsheviks with a reputation as a beautiful speaker and a journalist, a person who may have to chev and negotiate their energy and passion. In May 1917, on returning to Russia from New York, where he was in emigration, Volodarsky became one of the most influential members of the St. Petersburg Committee of the Bolsheviks Party. In the spring and summer of 1918, he was headed by a commissariat for printing, agitation and promotion of SKSO. In this post, Volodarsky led repression against the opposition press, especially intensified in May, when he was the main prosecutor to receive Shi-Rock to publicly public process against several small evening newspapers. In mid-June, he also became the main organizer of lodging the results of elections to the Petrogradskaya Council, as well as the editor of the Red Newspaper - the authority of this Council. All this made it together with Zinoviev and Uritsky most noticeable in the city of leaders who caused hatred and contempt from the enemies of the pain-shevist power. On the other hand, among the workers who have not yet disappointed in this power, who believed that the Bolsheviks protect the interests of the proletariat, the Volodar-sky was still very popular. On the evening of June 20, at about the same time when the issue of the Elimination of the PCC was discussed at the Justice Commissioner, Volodarsky was killed by a terrorist, which, followed, noted, was not found. This act led to speeches of petrograd party leaders and radical workers (supported by Lenin) in favor of the immediate use of severe repressive measures to enemy-wikov. After 2, with a small month, in the speech of the memory of Uritsky Zinoviev, he recalled the hot dispute at night after the murder of Volodarsky, during which Uritsky exhausted him from the transition to the government terror. According to Zinoviev, "Uritz-cue immediately poured the ears of cold water to us on the head and began to preach the cold-eyed ... You know, I added Zinoviev, - that we were resorted to the Red Terror, in the wider sense of the word when Uritsky was not among us .. "" On the night of the killing of the Volodarsky, the PCC was met with Zinoviev and other members of the SKSO. And here, the views of Uritsky to moderation were raised their action. If the killing of the Volodarsky thought, as a means to strengthen the anti-Bolshevik mood among workers, it led to the opposite result. Judging by the techniques of the low-tech press (not to mention the Bolshevik newspapers), the news of the death of Volodarsky shocked workers. On June 22, the editorial editorial of the "new life" of Gorky, entitled "Madness", somewhat unexpectedly expressed sorrow for the loss of the "tireless agitator ... [and] the Socialist Chief, who gave his soul to the working class," condemned his murder as "madness" and He spoke about the concerned that this act could lead to further bloodshed. The danger of a government terror or a rampant of natural street violence, and maybe, and the other at the same time, really was great. On the morning of June 21, the Cabina-Ta Zinoviev in Smolny was lined up workers' delegations demanding in response to the murder of Volodar immediate repression and declared that otherwise the leaders in one one would pass. " The next day, referring to these appeals, Zinoviev in-showed that "we fought against this mood ... We demand that there are no ex-processions." Commenting in the press the current situation the day after the murder of Volodarsky, the head of the revolutionary Tribunal S. Zorin reflected that this act could be the symptom of the transition of opposition to new forms of struggle with the authorities, but immediately added that even if it was, " The judges of the Tribunal do not have to, it is not necessary to resort to government terror. " The colleagues of the Volodarsky on the "Krasnaya Gazeta" demanded immediate retaliation in the form of a mass terror for a murder-in their leader. At the same time, the Bolsheviks recorded anxiety of ordinary members

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parties about not meeting any obstacles to the growth of the enemies of the co-wind power and the desire to reduce scores with class enemies. On June 21, the Emergency Meeting of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Council was held, at which the rapidly growing excitement of the masses was discussed. According to the report of "New Vedomosti", the gathered agreed that everything was possible to be made for counter-action to all forms of self-seeming. A similar position was reflected in the resolution proposed by Bolshevi and adopted on the Extraordinary Plenum of the Petrograd Council on June 22. Uritsky told the assembled on the progress of the investigation, stating that the PCC is close to the capture of murderers. One-Nako This approval is not confirmed by the preserved materials of the business of the murder of Volodarsky. Perhaps they were killed by the desire to temper the dust of the supporters of government terror and street violence. Piecelovy-lucion approved by the excesses and made the "last warning" potential terrorists: "There are no many words. The enemies of the working revolution moved to the counter-revolutionary terror, to the murder from behind the corner. We warned our one-free from rampant steps and Excesses. But we declare in short and clearly to all state-submissions to counter-revolutionary, no matter how they call themselves: Cadets, the right esera or anyone else. The enemies of the working revolution will be crushed mercilessly (you are divided in the document. - A.. .). For any attempt on any of the leaders of the working revolution, we will reply a merciless red terror. This warning is the last ... "This resolution was adopted unanimously.
A few days later, Lenin learned about the restrictions imposed by it. He was lettingfully rummaged by the news from Petrograd and immediately sent Zinoviev a resent-way telegram: "Only today we were drowning in the Central Committee, that in St. Petersburg, workers wanted to from-to-believe to kill the Volodar mass terror and that you (not you personally, and St. Petersburg Sky Tsekistists or Pequicists) held. Protesting decisively! We comprise yourself: we are threatened even in the resolutions of the Council of Mass Terror, and when to the case, the brake-winters a revolutionary mass initiative, it is quite right. It is non-WHO, but! Terro rists will be Read us with rags. Time is archived. It is necessary to encourage the energy and mass cause of terror against counter-revolutionaries, and especially in St. Petersburg, the example of which decides. " And although Uritsky was able to prevent "excesses", Lenin's letter, as will be shown below, had a serious influence on Zinoviev. On the other hand, the killing of Volodarsky seemed to demonstrate that the need to exist such powerful specially created security authorities as CC, continues to exist. The movement for the abolition of the PCC seemed to almost led to the desired result on the eve of the murder of Volodarsky, as a result of this act on no. In fact, the deceased Presidium of SNK PTK remained only to answer the letter of Dzerzhinsky dated June 24 on the impossibility of the PCC abolition. July 2, the leadership of the PEC was informed that the information on the liquidation of the PCC was false. Although the PCC conducted a Volodar after killingarrests of suspected OPPOprovincials in a much broader scale,m before, Uritsky found himself instanding to resist the growing pressure and did not authorize the executions either established in Moscow due to the HCH in the practice of taking hostages from among the largest political figures who had to undergo execution in the event of further attempts on the Bolshevikkih leaders. So, among the arrested at this time, the PCC turned out to be N.N. Cutler is a major royal official, a prominent cadet, a deputy III and IV of the State Dorm. Detained on June 23 (Woriginally for half a year), he wasbogged after 3 days. Judging by the newspaper reports Suspicions of Chekists were calledcutler's intercepted letters abroad. However, Uritsky, reading these

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letters, did not find anything criminal in them and ordered to immediately release the arrested. A week after Cutler's arrest, on June 30, it was raised from the bed, arrested and transmitted to Gorokhovaya, 2, where he spent more than a week, Count V.N. Kokovtsov - the former Prime Minister of the Tsarist Government. This arrest was also caused by interception letters, this time - the correspondence of certain counter-revolutionaries, who, without the knowledge of Kokoksov, discussed the possibility of appointing it to the head of the hypothetical post-the Bolshevik government. Obviously, the liberation of the former Sanovnik was detained by the trip Uritsky in early July to Moscow on the V All-Russian Congress of Soviets. Uritsky interrogated Kokoktsov on July 7, a few hours after his return, despite his employment in connection with the "Leftarean insurgency." On the same day, Kloktsov was released. In his memoirs, he described this interrogation as a leisurely and polite conversation, devoted to not so much circumstances of arrest, as his resignation from the post of premiere in 1914 and memories of Nicolae II.
Approximately the same happened to the writer, literary critic and journalist A.V. Amphitheatrum, tuned sharp anti-bolshevist. It was released after a two-day content on the pea. In "New Vedomostas" - a newspaper, in which he was then worked, amphitherators wrote that the date of the testimony was reminded rather a conversation than the interrogation. The head of the PCC was interested in his relationship with Gregory Aleksinsky and other Plekhanov, views on foreign policy (Orientation in Germany or Anntanu), his literary and journalistic activities, sources of financing "new statements". Discussed all these topics, Uritsky declared Amphitheaters that he can go home. Of course, all this does not give reason to deny that the content on the pea was a terrible and humiliating test or that hundreds are not so significant political prisoners are much smaller than Kutler, Kokovtsov and Amphitheatrum. Even the stories of the last two, pleasantly surprised manner of Uritsky to interrogate, do not give any reason for this. There is no doubt that the conditions of detention in the extremely crowded and present seatingmen of Petrograd prisons were much worse than in the improvised cameras on the pea. I only would emphasize the fact that at the time, as in Moscow, the CC was widely used by the winds of "class enemies", and the practical implementation of the "Red Terror" was in full swing not only in Moscow, but also in Other cities, Uritsky continued to counteract the wave of extremism. After the murder in Moscow, the German ambassador of Graph Mirbakh, committed by the left Esera, July 6, Uritsky led Extrememi operations revolutionary komitta Petrograd, trying to avoid excess bloodshed. He was concerned not so many clients on the left speakers, which are widerenate power in Moscow, howto maintain order and suppress the attempts of the right forces inusering Rascoscrap in government. Arrested in this case, the left esters and sympathizers (161 people) were soon released, and the case itselfacryo and handed over to the archive 18 decad. In Moscow, on the contrary, the AEC in the end was shot by 12 left speakers. True, the Music-Sky Left Esers really planned and committed the murder of Mirbak, while Petrogradsky did not have any relation to himand I. Nevertheless, the behavior of uritwho once again demonstrated the principal difference between himand Ruko by the way in approaches to repression.

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The events of early July 1918 and their consequencesrivel to a significant tightenedpolicy regarding real and potential opponents of the Bolsheviks in Petrograd. Among these consequences were the threat (although temporary) German OKbathing due to the murder of Mirbach, youthe phenomenon of the PCC sharply activatingsexes of counter-revolutionaries, and take disappearance of softeningleft Social Economics on the Petrograd government (especially important in this<14> the Research Institute was the loss of Pause, forced to hide after the death of the German ambassador). Even more noticeably there was a lack of qualified employees, as much as most of the left esices fell into the category of "enemies" of Soviet power, and the number of Bolsheviks who left Petrograd and sent either to the front, or as part of food detachments in search of bread, constantly grew. In the atmosphere of an exacerbating crisis, the idea of \u200b\u200bmass terror, officially approved on July 5, by the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, was becoming more attractive for the most radical Petrograd Bolsheviks. On July 23, the St. Petersburg Committee of the RCP (b) was spoken for the Shi-Rocky application of political repression. An additional argument in favor of such a policy has become threatening reports on the rapid growth of the activity of counter-revolutionary organizations in Vasileostrovsky district. According to them, about 17 thousand officers, many of which considered themselves by the Municipalities, planned a counter-revolutionary conspiracy. No details of the conspiracy in the record of a meeting of the PC are not said, but it was obviously perceived very seriously. The Committee adopted a resolution condemning the "Raskannancy" of a government in a policy in relation to the political opposition and proclaiming the need for "Protecting Red Terror against the attempts of counter-revolutionaries to rebellion in fact." Assuming to insist on the use of a mass terror, the Committee decided to organize another meeting in the evening of the same day with the participation of the members of the Petrograd Bureau of the Central Committee (Zinoviev, Zorin, Uritsky and Millun) were named after the main participants. It was supposed to be held at the Astoria Hotel - at the time of the residence of many Bolshevik leaders, known and as a "Chekist Hotel" because of their dreams to Gorokhova, 2. It is not known what decisions were accepted at this meeting. The indirect evidence suggests that the St. Petersburg Committee failed to convince the majority of party leaders in the need to immediately proclaim the "red terror" or at least the abolition of the ban on the use of executions adopted in April. However, arrests of suspected oppositionists, most of which were announced by the hostages, were noticeably multiplied. Prisoners on the pea, 2 were immediately translated into a more rigid ta-belt mode with the purpose of freeing places for new arrested. Peter Palchinsky, an outstanding engineer and a large official of the Provisional Government, already more than Me-Siats who had seen in the chamber on the pea, escaped this fate. Thanks to the foot of his colleagues, convinced Zinoviev to release him on the grounds that his research is vital for the Soviet government. At the beginning of August, Zinoviev under pressure from the scientist community appealed to the PCC with a petition about OS-Robbing Falchin as a "bourgeois specialist". In the dated 10 Avgus, the answer of Varvara Yakovleva, who signed the letter for the head of the PCC, recognized the scientific significance of the research of the arrested. By refusing to free it, she had gone to do some special reliefs that were to facilitate the transfer of these studies. The document said: "In response to your letter to Pedachinsky, the emergency commission brings to your information that, upon receipt of his gr. Pedachinsky, who is held by the hostage, was immediately interrogated with the Presidium of the Emergency Commission. The interrogation was found that Falchin-sky really Large scientist, geologist ... His scientific works with a very large empirical importance, he did not interrupt in conclusion. But in charge of the fact that the emergency commission was to be considered with the fact that Falchin-sky, fulfilling in Kerensky duties. The city holder in Petrograd, he stifled a workplace, being Deputy Minister of Commerce and Industry, he, together with the Skobelev, led a fierce campaign against factory committees, fought against working control and his laws, as well as his practical act, reduced his laws on There is no all regulation of economic life. Revolutionary working petrograd with indignation and indignation would be released Such a large political, enjoying figure of them. In the list of hostages throughout Russia, Palchinsky undoubtedly and rightfully occupies one of the first places. In addition to<15> guo, during the interrogation, it turned out that Palchinsky's political views did not change at all and he continues to think that the Bolsheviks were always non-methe agents, and those events that occur are committed against the tactics of the Bolsheviks. On this basis, the emergency commission rejected the proposal to release Paintchinsky and decided to leave it in the conclusion, providing him with a number of benefits, namely: 1) an increase in the length of the walk, 2) translation of the hospital position, 3) the assumption of dates with technicians, 4) providing it Lighting services over ordinary time and 5) Providing some amenities in prison not relying: own bed, carpet, etc. " This letter is indicative of several ways. First of all, it follows that the practice of detention of prominent political figures for an indefinite term as a hostage, which Uritsky successfully opposed in June and July, in Avgus, became a fact in Petrograd. Secondly, the CHC's claims on a special status, proclaimed at the I All-Russian CC conference in June, clearly reflected in the calling of the letter, addressed not to anyone, and the head of the Petrograd government, a member of the Central Committee of the RCP (b) and his Petrogradsky The Bureau and the famous Comrade of Lenin. But the most interesting is the unexpected appearance of Yakovlev as a key figure in the PCC. The prominent Moscow Bolshevik, in May she was with Lazis translated from the Collie of the NKVD to the leadership position in the HCC. Both of them quickly turned into fanatic security officers. The official motive of the business trip of Yakovleva in Petrograd in the beginning of August was the coordination of the investigation into the case, a little later, he received fame as a "business of three ambassadors" or "Lock Cart". However, the letter to Zinoviev, written shortly after the arrival of Yakovlev in Petrograd, in which she not only challenged his addressee, but also spoke on behalf of the head of the PCC, suggests that it was broader tasks more broadly than investigating this important business. Obviously, its main task was to lead the position of the PCC in relation to the "Red Terror" in accordance with the PLC policies. In early August, it became more apparent that Uritsky gradually gives the position under the onslaught of supporters "Red Terrorand "in the SCSO SKS, as well as in thepCC. Class antagonism concept, enhancingespecially uncompromisingbut tuned by the Bolsheviks, including the editorial board "Redth newspaper ", COM nists in the districts and most St. Petersburg Committee, manifested itself at the II Congress of the Soviets of the Northern Region, held in Smolny 1-2 August. Contrast with the firstrail Congress, where relatively moderate moods prevailed, wassilver . The nature of both congresses was equally different. The first was a truly business meeting on which the Bolsheviks and Levaeskers discussed the most important problems and produced compromise solutions. WTOthe swarm was rather rather on the polyticial rally reminding what turned intoby the time plenary forseding Petrosovet. The number of delegates to the congress wasmuch less than the number of presenceon it, among whom were Petrogradsky and Kronstadt tips in full force; delegates organized by district councils of working conferences; Members of the Central Council of Trade Unions, Krasnoarmeys and Fleet Committees, as well as Central and District Comitetov railway workers. Removedto the state of extreme excitation of the stolesverdlov and Trotsky's speechesth, specially arriving on this occasion from Moscow, Congress participants approved rethe "On the current moment", which contained an immediate transition to a mass terror. It said: "Soviet government should provide his rear, taking under the supervision of the bourgeoisie [as a class and] conducting a mass terror against it." The resolution was started by words about "mass armament of workers and the voltage of all forces for a military campaign against the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie with the slogan" death or. victory"" . The resolution implied the revival of practiced HCCs from February of the deva-vessels. Considered already the "owner" of the city, Zinoviev, according to his own admission, became a supporter of the "Red Terror" immediately after the murder of Volodarsky,<16> however, he was restrained in conducting his gaze in practice Uritsky and, throughout the correctness, Pasta and Krestinsky. As already mentioned, the consecious influence of Pause and in general, the left ECOV was negated after the murder of Mirbakh. The Krestinsky in the middle of August was summoned to Moscow, where he headed the drug addict. As a result, at the time when Yakovleva carried out pressure on Uritsky as the head of the PCC, he turned out to be all in the greater isolation in the SCSO SKSO. The result of weakening the influence of Uritsky manifested itself quite quickly. On August 18, at a meeting of the SKSO, a decree was accepted byclearing the PCC (and only it) racesspere counterrevolutionaries with their own inlAST. He read: "Commissionersarov Commune of the Northern Region declares to universal reduction: the enemies of the people challenge the revolution, kill our brothers, sow andsmene and thus forced communa to self-defense. The Council of Commissioners declares: for counter-revolutionary campaigns with the call of Red Armenians is not to obey the orders of Soviet power, for the secret or explicit support of a foreign government, for recruiting forces for Czech Slovak or English-French gangs, for a spyin, for bribery, for noisebreaking, for robbery and raids, for pogroms, for sabotage, etc. Crimes guilty byd. lying immediately shooting. Excirations are made only by the resolution of the emergency commission to combat counter-revolutionth and speculation with the Union of Laborout of the Northern Commune. Each case is published in the newspapers. "Uritsky was able to achieve only the adoption of the reservation that the shooting requires a unanimous decision of the PCC College. The decision to apply the executions was approved on August 19 at a meeting of the PCC College. There is no doubt that Uritsky hotly and persistently opposed him. Extremely interesting evidence of this topic was recorded by this topic. Uralov is already in the Khrushchev era. It was drawn to them from some unpublished memories of an unnamed young at the time of Chekist, a member of the College of PCC, which was very aggressive and who was a peculiar "disturbant of calm." He recalled on continuing pressure on Uritsky before the meetingboard of the board on August 19. "All chaeasy and more often began to chase the need for executions, "the words of this security officer leads to the Urals. - repeatedly before t. Uritskyd comrades on official seamdenmark and in private conversations raised the question of redm terror. "Next transmittedtest of the Chekist, which after the decision of the SCSO SKSO application was approved by the Board, Uritsky was the only one who opposed him. He argued his position with practical arguments. However, when the board of the brood of his argument on the uselessness of executions, he refrained when voting on the issue of the fate of 21 prisoners (among them there were political opponents of the Bolsheviks and criminals), so that the will of the majority prevailed. 2 days later, on August 21, they were shot. The composition of this first group of victims of the PCC, promulgated in the press on August 22, is very indicative. 9 of them were shot for criminal offenses (among them there were 4 former PCC Commissioners). Most of the other in-shocked the maintenance of counter-revolutionary agitation among the soldiers of the Red Army. Among the latter was the former officer Vladimir Perelzweig, who, together with 6, his colleagues was accused of anti-Soviet agitation among the cadets of the Mikhailovsk Ar-Tillery Academy. The penalty execution had very serious consequences, primarily for Uritsky himself. On the night of the first chaskist shooters, the dominant in the city of Violence over a lithic opposition was adequately captured in the resolution adopted by the V Congress of the Soviets of the St. Petersburg lips. (The congress took place on August 21-23). "In every village and in each district of the district city, we must conduct a root cleanku, - said in it. - counterrevolutionary officers and all in general the White Guards, plotting the power of the rich, should be destroyed mercilessly. "A week later, on August 28, a plenary session of Petrosovet in response to allegedly an attempt to Painavenue on Zino vieva took another step to the official announcement in the city of "Red Terror". Excited by no confirmed hearing that a suspicious subject <17> two days earlier, wanting to kill Zinoviev, looking for him in "Astoria", the Council accepted Rubu-Lucia, which said that the time of warnings passed: "If at least hairs fall from our leaders' heads, we will destroy those White Guards who are in our hands , we will destroy the crowd of the leaders of the counter-revolution. " This resolution went to the one that was adopted by Petrosovet on June 22, after the murder of Volodarsky. However, if that only warned, this, adopted in to the limit of a thickened atmosphere of the end of August, had already left a little doubt that she would form the basis of poly-teak authorities. On the morning of August 30, Uritsky, heading to his Cabinet in Commissioner Duringthey are affairs on the Palace Square, was killed. Circumstancesyour murder and dramaticthe capture of the one who committed it is completelyfucking in the materials is excitedcCC business. Talking briefly, Uritsky was shot dead by 22-year-old Leonid Channelist, the former cadet of the Mikhailovsk Artillery Academy, in Petrograd literary circles, also known as a talentedfl. Although cannelist, indima, was a member of the Party of People's Socialists and Kerensky's hottest in 1917, on numerous interrogations in the PCC, he refusesfeed to admit to his belonginglegs to any organization and firmly declared,what acted alone. PCK setwilas that after the October revolution he was connectedzan with underground counterrevolutioninternal organizations. However, the conclusion of the PCC,according to which the murder of uritwho was part of an extensive conspiracy against Soviet power, is not confirmed by any evidence contained in the case. A close friend of the cannegser was shot on August 21, Perelzweig. Cannegser did not have the concept that Uritsky was a solid opponent of executions and, in particular, tried to prevent the execution of the Perelzveig's execution and his comrades. Surname Uritsky appearedi went to those who published in the hazetah orders about shooting, and, on their own recognitioncannegistra, he revenge for gibelly his comrade. According to Aldanov, "the death of a friend made him terrorist." Cannegser was executed. However, to indignation of the chaskist investigators, 144 others in-kept in this case, including his mother, father, sisters and many friends and kneading, whose names were discovered in his notebook, somehow survived the "Red Terror" and were Released. The data that was based on this essay, testify that Uritsky was neither a robpierre revolutionary petrograd, as it seemed to the opponents of the Bolsheviks, nor a "Trotsky man", as some Bolshevik leaders believed. From the very beginning of its activities as the head of the PCC Uritsky, undoubtedly, acted without regard to anyone. Using supportc Pestinsky, Pause, and IOgda even Zinoviev, he successfully opposedshooting and other extreme formmom repression and violence over political opponents at the time when they turned into normal in Moscow. His restraining role withtala especially important after deathvolodarsky, when the pressure of CN sharply increasedizu in favor of the implemented HCHlitics "Red Terror". It was no less important inhalf of juvenile, kogyes, the requirement of decisive measures against counter-revolutionaries sounded from the St. Petersburg Committee of the RCP (b) and from Moscow from Lenin. At the same time, the independence and hardness of Uritsky in defending their principles, as anything elsem, brightly reflect in his refusal to release detainees under guarantee or pledge, despite persistent requirements from comrades and Moscow leaders. It is much more difficult to answer the question why Uritsky, who, throughout his life, who was a persistent and radically tuned revolutionary, was such an enemy of the "Red Terror". Of course, he was not at all like David Ryazanov, who, regardless of the circumstances considered the arbitrariness any violatedbasic civil rights, even if theyfaltered the most fierce enemies withwind power. Retelling already mentionedeoppublished memories of MOlodged Chekist about the last days of Uritsky, S.G. Urals writes that the head of the PCC<18> it was grown by the accusation of "softness" and stated that he opposes the executions not because of the depletion or remorse, but because he considers them inappropriate. This is how Uritsky's conversation retells with this unnamed author of memories: "" Listen, comrade, you are so young, "Uritsky told me, - and Ta-Koi". - "I, Moses Solomonovich, I insist on shootings not from The feelings of personal cruelty, and from the feeling of revolutionary expediency, but you, Moses Solomonovich, against executions exclusively because of softness. "Here Uritsky became very angry with me and excitedly replied:" I'm not a soft one. If there is no other way out, I own hand shooting all the counter-revolutionaries and I will be completely calm. I am against executions because I consider them inappropriate. This will cause only angling and will not give positive results. "" From the other hand, personal experience and subsequent evidence of such political sought, as Kutler, Kokovtsov and amphitheatres, as well as testimonies of close comrades, say that the answer to the issue given above is more complicated that the duties of the head of the PCC were Uritsky dishes and he performed them, obeying the sense of the loyalty of the party. All this makes it say that the clarification of Uritsky's motivation will be possible only after the opening of the corresponding archival works of the FSB. The murder of Uritsky in the morning of August 30 and an unsuccessful attempt on Lenin, the same evening in Moscow, are usually considered as the immediate causes of the "Red Terror" in revolutionary Russia. However, the facts presented above allow us to consider such an interpretation of false, since the "red terror" was used in all of its forms in Moscow and other Russian cities over several months to these events. In Petrograd, the practice of taking political hostages Ras-proved since the end of July 1918, the ban of Uritsky to carry out the executions was from-changed on August 19 (after which it was shot 21 arrested), and officially "Red Terror" was announced at a plenary session of Petrosovet 28 August. One is unquestionably that the murder of Uritsky in a set with a failed attempt on Le Nina was really led to the former Russian capital to a powerful wave of arrests and on-standing orgy of executions (not only the PCC, but also district security authorities, numerous groups of soldiers and workers ) who surpassed everything that was before that even in Moscow. It is not surprising that the initiative to unleash the "Red Terror" after the death of Uritsky proceeded from the St. Petersburg Committee of the Bolshevik Party. Immediately after receiving the news of this event, a meeting of the city party leadership was scheduled, held at 2 o'clock in the afternoon in "ASTorya ". The only source ofthe formation of a meeting that I was able to detect is the memories of E.D. Stasova. According to them, at the very beginning of the Zinoviev Assembly, who was clearly impressed by the catching, received from Lenin after the murder of Volodarsky, demanded that this time the decisive measures against the political opponents of the Bolsheviks were attense without any delay. Among the measures on which he insisted, it appeared to "resolve all workers to straighten with the intelligentsia, directly on Ul-Tse." According to Stasova, comrades listened to Zinoviev "in embarrassment." Alarmed, she took the floor to argue Zinoviev, who in rage jumped out from the room, without hearing her speech. As a result, it was decided to form special "Troika" and send them to the districts for the capture of "counter-revolutionary elements". In the same evening, mass arrests began and executions. Most of the spellings were performed during the "red terror", apparently came to some of the first night after the murder of Uritsky. On September 2, the deputy of the Moscow co-vet Voznesensky, who had just returned from the funeral of Uritsky, told the Council that "500 representatives of the bourgeoisie were already shot." If this figure is true, it includes almost everything (with the exception of 12) of the execution, which was announced in the list of shot-up PCC, published by Petrograd Pretty Pravda on September 6, and more than 2/3 of those 800 PCCs over the entire period " Red Terror ", about which co-commized in mid-October G. Baby in his report at the Czech of the North Region Czech. By<19> the irony of the fate, the frenzy of the "Red Terror" in Petrograd, whom Uritsky tried to avoid all their forces, partly became the result of an insistent desire to reduce the so-old with class enemies, "accumulated" during the time he led the PCC.Notes
1 Bulletin of the regional commissariat of internal affairs of the Union of Commune Northasti. 1918. N 2. Saint Time. P. 61.
2 there. Pp. 57, 58, 60, 61, 71; L U N A C H A G S K U A.V. Revolutionary Silhouettes. L., 1967. P. 127; 3 U b o in V.P. The suffer years of Russia. Memories of the revolution, 1917-1925. Munich, 1968. P. 51.
3 Berezhekov V.I. St. Petersburg Procurators: Heads of the HCH - MGB. St. Petersburg., 1998. P. 14.
4 Red newspaper. 1918. March 12. P. 1.
5 CSA SPb., F. 142, OP. 1, d. 28, l. 68. The insightful characteristic of Pause, see: P. Native Commissioner of the Post and Telegraphs P.P. Pasta // First Soviet Government, M., 1991. P. 398-420.
6 Petrogradskaya Pravda. 1918. March 15. P. 1.
7 Our age. 1918. March 15. P. 1.
8 l and t and n A.L. Left esters and PVC. Sat dock. Kazan, 1996. S. 5 1. See also: Kutuzov A.V., Lepureukhin V.F., Sedov V.F., Stepanov O.N. Petrograd Chekists are guarded by the revolution. L., 1987. S. 101.
9 l and t and n A.L. Left esters and PVC. P. 5 1-52.
New Life (Petrograd). 1918. March 14. Pp. 1. On March 23, the Petrograd bureau of the Central Committee sent an angry letter to the Central Committee, in which the protest was expressed in whichstanding Central Governmentin the city left him. Special indignation caused the behavior of the "Commission of Dzerzhinsky" from authors: "Paper, he took out, [and] investigators leaving, and left the defendants here." Calling the current situation "outrageous", the Petrograd bureau required the Dzerzhinsky "immediately arrived and accepted me-ry" (RGASPI, F. 446, OP. 1, d. 1, l. 2-2).
11 CGAPD SPb., F. 4000, op. 4, d. 814, l. 83.
12Berezhkov V.I. Decree. cit. P. 14.
13 Our century. 1918. March 17. Pp 4; Red newspaper. 1918. March 30. P. 3.
14 See, for example, a report on the release of 6 persons, shortly before the detained PCC: new statements (evening release). 1918. March 18. P. 5.
15 there. April 6th. P. 1.
16 Our age. 1918. April 7th. P. 1.
17 is there. 11 April. P. 1.
18 so, on April 23, by order of the Committee on [Revolutionary], Petrograd were shot by 3 robber (ibid. 26 April. P. 3).
19 This phenomenon is particularly fully reflected in the minutes of meetings of the Vyborg District Council during this time (CSA SPb., F. 148, OP. 1, d. 51).
20 See: Time Horror // New Vedomosti (Evening Edition). 1918. April 13. P. 7.
21 A.L. Litvin published copies of the Protocols 14 of the Central Supplies, held in January-May 1918. Despite fragmentaryness, these protocols nevertheless clearly testify to the rate of most of the leaders of the Chechkis, not far as a means of controlling crime and political op-positions (see: Litvin A.L. Left Esers and HCC. P. 48- 65).
22 Our age. 1918. March 16. P. 1.
23 Collection of decrees and regulations on the communities of the Northern Region. Vol. 1.4. 1, GG., 1919. P. 97.
24 CGA St. Petersburg, f. 2421, OP. 1, d. 1, l. 142.
25 Izvestia Kronstadt Council. 1918. March 10. P. 2.
26 Labor banner, 1918. April 7th. Pp. 6. The text of the decree of the Petrograd Council, published in the execution of this resolution, see: CGA St. Petersburg., F. 143, op. 1, d. 31, l. 126.
27 hectares of the Russian Federation, f. 130, OP. 2, d. 342, l. 27.
Collection of decrees and regulations ... Issue 1.4. 1. P. 539-540.
29 New Vedomosti (Evening East). 1918. April 29, P. 6.
30 Our age. 1918. May 1. P. 3.
31 CGA St. Petersburg, f. 144, op. 1, d. 8, l. 38.
32 in the same place, l. 53,
33
Ibid, d. 1, l. 13 about.
34 ibid, f. 143, op. 1, d. 31, l. 163; f. 144, op. 1, d. 1, l. 32; News of the Petrograd Council. 1918. April 25. P. 1.
February 21, 1918 written by Trotsky and Lenin Approvedopalamation "Socialist OTEin danger, "was transferred by telegraph to tips across Russia and published in Petrograd from<20> the name of the Sovnarkom. Paragraph 8 of the proclamation stateed that "the enemy agents, speculators, louds, hoolighana, counter-revolutionary agitators, German spies are shot at the crime scene "(RGASPI, F. 19, OP. 1, d. 66, l. 2). The PVC and other organs immediately took advantage of the" Manda Tom ". On the value of Trotsky's proclamation for CC See: Velid S. Preface to the second edition // Red Book of Chek. T. 1. M"1989. p. 5.
36 On the Extraordinary Assembly, see: R A B I N O W I T C H A. Early Disenchantment with Bolshevik Rule: New Data from The Archives of the Extraordinary Assembly of the Delegates from Petrograd Factories // K. McDermott, J.Mor-Risabout N (EDS,). Politics and Society Under The Bolsheviks. L., 1999. P. 37-46.
37 Archive of the FSB of the Russian Federation in St. Petersburg, N 30377, t. 3, l. 148.
38 New Vedomosti (Evening Edition). 1918. May 31. P. 1.
39 banner struggle. 1918. June 4th. P. 3.
40 Archive of the Office of the FSB of the Russian Federation in St. Petersburg, N 30377, vol. 4, l. 54.
41 Petrogradskaya Pravda. 1918. October 18. P. 2.
42 Banker from HBC // Essays History of Russian External Intelligence / Ed. EAT. Primakov. T. 2. M., 1997. S. 19-24, Letter of the Krestinsky Uritsky with the characteristic of Filippov, dated July 26, see: Archive of the Office of the Federal Tax Service of the Russian Federation in St. Petersburg, N 30377, vol. 5, l. 890.
43 In May, several district councils spoke for the abolition of the PCC. This happened during the discussion of the city's security plan, held on May 22 at a meeting of the Interdistrict Meeting, which united representatives of the district councils (CSA SPb., F. 73, op. 1, d. 1, l. 150; CGAPD SPB., f. 4000, op. 1, l. 165; New Life [Petrograd]. 1918. May 23. P. 3). At that time, district councils were concerned primarily to maintain control in their own territory, so they, as a rule, were not very hostile to the PCC and to the plans for the restructuring of the Revolutionary Security Committee, which assumed the centralization enhancement.
44 cm. Comments Pasta to his plan: new statements (evening edition). 1918. June 18. S. 7. Members of the Presidium of the Committee on Revolutionary Safety Highly Ratewhether its cooperation with ruthe founder of the Internal Affairs Commissioner. At the same time M.aish collections of the Presidium of Roomtheir negative attitude towards the PCC (CGA St. Petersburg, f. 73, op. 1, d. 4, l. 16, 17, 20-20 vol., 25).
45 l and c and with M.Ya. The report of the All-Russian Emergency Commission for four years of its activities (20 deca-brya 1917.-December 20, 1921) Ch. 1. Organizational part. M., 1921. S. 11. See about this: L Euonov. Roggy of the Soviet Empire. M., 1997. P. 248-249.
46 rgaspi, f. 17, op. 4, d. 11, l. 24-26. At least several peoplecentury from those who are at the end of Maysalted Writsky's Self-Security in Petrograd, concluded that he was trying to justify the elimination of the PCC. See, for example, the observation of Sergeyev at the meeting of the Presidium of the Roger Committeeolyology naoy security on May 23: CGA St. Petersburg., f. 73, OP. 1, d. 3, l. 35
47 rgaspi, f. 76, OP. 3, d. 10, l. 1-1 about.
48 CGA St. Petersburg., F. 142, OP. 9, d. 1, l. 34.
49 The conference was held in Moscow on June 11-14. Judging by the stenographic reports, neither Uritsky himself, nor any of the representatives of the PCK found it necessary to attend it (see: Central Asian FSB, f. 1, Op. 3, d. 11).
50 rgaspi, f. 17, op. 4, d. 194, l. 3-3 about.
51 ibid, f. 466, op. 1, d. 1, l. 9-10.
52 New Life (Petrograd). 1918. June 22. P. 3; New Vedomosti (Evening Edition). 1918. June 22. P. 3.
53 rgaspi, f. 17, op. 4, d. 194, l. 4 about.
54 Conference Decisions and Her Guidelines for the Organization of CC, see the book: Lazis M.Ya. Decree. cit. P. 38-41.
55 CGA St. Petersburg, f. 143, op. 1, d. 49, l. fifty.
56 In Semenov's brochure published in 1922 (in 1918, the head of the Social Combat Group) wrote that the murder of Volodarsky, which was the priority goal of groupss, committed his subordinate, notkiy Sergeev (other data on the person's personality did not lead). See: Semenov Military and combat work of the Socialist Revolutionaries Party for 1917-1918. M., 1922. P. 28-29. However, comparing this testimony with other well-known data, it is impossible not to conclude its inaccuracy. In one of the recent works of A.L. Litvina convincingly shown that during the writing of the brochure in 1921, Semenov worked on the HCC and that she herself was published by the GPU as evidence for the indicative process over the invent of 1922 (L and T in and N A. L. Azef Second / / Homeland. 1999. N 9. P. 80-84).
57 quote. Software: U R A L O in S.G. Moses Uritsky. Biographical essay. L., 1962. P. 110-111.
58 New Life [Petrograd]. 1918. June 21. P. 3.
59 there. June 23. P. 3; Petrogradskaya Pravda.1918. June 27. FROM . 2.
60 New Vedomosti (Evening Edition). 1918. June 21. FROM . four.
61 IL "IN-ZHENEVSKY A.F. The Bolsheviks in Power: Reminiscencees of the Year 1918.L., 1984. P. 105. Ilyin-Geneva was at that time a member of the Red Gazette editorial board.<21> 62. So, on June 28, participants in the general meeting of the Bolsheviks of the Vyborg District, after hearing the message of the murder of the Volodar representative of the Petrogradsky Committee of the Girth of Zhenya Yegorova, in which she jied to calm, swear to respond to the "White Terror" with a merciless class "red terror" (CGAPD SPb., F. 2, op. 1, d. 1, l. 2).
63 New Vedomosti (Evening Edition). 1918. June 22. P. 4.
64 PCC stopped searching for the killer of Volodarsky and closed the case in February 1919 (Central Asia FSB, N 1789, vol. 10, l. 377).
65 Petrogradskaya Pravda. 1918. June 23. P. 5.
66 LE E N.I. PSS. T. 50. P. 106.
67 CGA St. Petersburg., F. 143, op. 1, d. 49, l. 49.
68 Kokovtsov V.N. From my past. Memories 1903-1919. Paris, 1933. P. 445-462.
69 CC-held executions were at this time in Moscow in a completely ordinary phenomenon. Kaz -na names were published in the press. So, on July 11-12, 10 former officers accused of belonging to the Union of Saving Motherland and Revolution were shot. 5 days later, the NEC shot 23 criminal processes (new statements (evening release). 1918. July 13th. P. 1; July 18. S. 5).
70 CGA St. Petersburg., F. 143, op. 1, d. 31, l. 57.
71 Collection of decrees and regulations ... Issue. 1. Part 1. P. 123.
72 Archive of the management of the FSB in St. Petersburg, N 8, vol. 1, l. eight.
73 Such is the official figure published in Izvestia (Cyt. By: Parking Newspaper. 1918. July 16. P. 3).
74 CGAPD SPb., F. 4000, op. 4, d. 814, l. 208.
75 This powerful arrest wave is brightly described in emigrant memoirs. See, eg: Kokovtsov V.N. Decree, op. Pp. 463. Kokovtsov, in particular, wrote that "before July 21, everything was relatively tolerable, but since this day, mass arrests began every day ... Every day I heard that I grabbed one or another of my acquaintances."
76 CGA St. Petersburg., F. 143, op. 1, d. 51, l. 114. See also writing postscript to this letter. Palchinsky's status as a hostage was confirmed during the "Red Terror", on October 3, 1918 at that time, he was probably an alternative to him, only a shot (Archive of FSB in St. Petersburg, d. 16005, l. 5).
77 This is the case for which more and more sources is introduced into the scientific circulation, as a result of the non-removal agents of the Allied countries, united in Moscow and Petrograd with counter-revolutionary groups in order to overthrow the Soviet government, scheduled for September 1918.
78 Northern Commune (Evening Edition). 1918. August 2. P. 3.
79 Collection of decrees and regulations ... Issue. 1.4. 1. P. 132.
80 y r and l about in this year Decree. cit. P. 116. 8 "ibid.
82 See: Red Newspaper. 1918. August 22. P. 1.
83 Stenographic report on the works of the fifth congress of the councils of workers and peasant deputies of the Peter-Burgic province. GH, 1918. P. 112.
84 Northern Commune (Evening Edition). 1918. August 29. P. 2.
85 Central Asian FSB of the Russian Federation, N196, vol. 1-11.
86 The identity of the cannegistra is described by Mark Aldanov well, see: Aldanov M. Pictures of the October Revolution, historical portraits, portraits of contemporaries, a mystery of Tolstoy. St. Petersburg, 1999. P. 124-131, 140-144.
87 This confirms Aldanov. He recalled that in the spring of 1918. In response to the signing of the Brest Mail, Kannegser was engaged in amateur conspiracy activities, the purpose of which proclaimed the overthrow of the Bolshevik government (ibid. S. 129-130).
88 Central Asian FSB RF, N 196, vol. 1, l. 45 ^ 19.
89 Aldanov M. Decree. cit. P. 129, 141.
90 Central Asian FSB of the Russian Federation, N 196, vol. 1, l. 3-6. In November 1919, the investigator of the PCC was unsuccessfully tried to resume the case of Uritsky. In his opinion, the fact that the killer's friends and relatives were not shot, clearly indicated on the wrong behavior. The second (and also unsuccessful) attempt to revise the results of the investigation. An irritated security officers were taken in 1920 (in the same place, l. 12-18).
91 Urals S.G. Decree. cit. P. 116.
92 Stasova E.D. Pages of life and struggle. M., 1988. P. 154-155; Her. Memories. M., 1969. P. 161. As the authors of the biography G.I. Bokia, who led the PCC after the death of Uritsky, Zinoviev and in mid-September, advocated the general weapons of Petrograd workers and for providing them with the right to use the "Court of Lynch" against class enemies (Alekseeva T., Matveev N. Truson Protect Revolution (O. GI Body ). M., 1987. P. 218-219).
93 Petrograd truth. 1918. September 6. P. 2.
94 Weekly Emergency Commissions for Combating Counterrevolutionth and speculation. N 6.1918.27 OK.november. P. 19.

Why in the years of civil war Petersburgers were afraid to wear good clothes, but often used cocaine, as the city lived after the 1917 revolution and why the Bolsheviks were able to keep power?

Senior Lecturer, St. Petersburg State University, historian Nikolai Bogomazov talks about the causes of civil war, battles for Petrograd and the life of ordinary citizens against the background of the revolution.

The arrest of disguised city in Petrograd, 1917. In the foreground, a group of students of the Institute of Technology, the participants of the civil police.

- What do you think the civil war was inevitable after the revolution?

Sure. When the monarchy fell in February 1917 and the temporary government came to power, it had some legitimacy in public understanding. In part, thanks to the State Duma - the authority of the old authorities who took direct participation in the formation of a new one. Partly due to the renunciation of the king, and then his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich, who called on to submit to the Team Government.

But when the Bolsheviks took power in October, they no longer had no legitimacy. They had to conquer it by force, since many began to dispute their power. Including the former leader - [Chairman of the Interim Government Alexander] Kerensky. Menshevik Nikolay Sukhanov, one of the best chroniclers of the events of 1917, in his "notes about the revolution", in my opinion, rightly noted that since the head of the old government did not comply with the authority, then formally the country could make a choice of whom to consider legitimate power, and who - a rebel.

Is it possible to allocate some other main causes of war? Or was it precisely the struggle of the Bolsheviks for absolute power?

Difficult question. It seems to me that one cannot say that one person waved his hand and people went to kill each other. Causes of the Civil War lie not only in the actions of the Bolshevik Party. This is a large comprehensive question affecting all spheres of society: everyday, national, social, economic, and so on. For example, the reason that is often produced from the sight is the first world war as a socio-psychological phenomenon and its role in subsequent tragic events in our country.

Imagine: about 15 million people were called into the ranks of our army and passed through the burned war. They had almost daily seen death, saw how their comrades die. The value of human life in the eyes of these people has fallen greatly. But it was young people - almost 50% of young people up to 30 years and another 30% of men from 30 to 39 years. The most passionate part of society! Death has become a normal everyday phenomenon for them and no longer perceived as something out of a series of outgoing - morality fell, the morals are cooked. Therefore, in 1917, the society was so easily transferred to the violent way to solve political problems.

We used to say that in the unleashing of a civil war, overthrown classes, landlords and bourgeoisie, who tried to regain power to regain power. And then they began to say that the Bolsheviks and Lenin were to blame. No matter how trivially sounded, but the truth really lies somewhere in the middle. It is no secret that Lenin, in the years of the First World War, urged to turn an imperialist war in civilian. This flowed out of his understanding of Marxism.

However, no matter how much he wanted, he could not unleash civil war in 1914, nor in 1915, nor 1916. It broke out at that time when many reasons were together. At the same time, it is worth recognizing that the October Revolution served as a trigger - after October 25, the decision of the political contradictions finally passed into the military plane. Lenin himself spoke at the VII party congress in March 1918, that civil war was the fact immediately - October 25, 1917.

- How has the life of Petrograd and his population changed after the arrival of the Bolsheviks to power?

The manual did not always perceive the October events as we see them now. He did not understand the scale, did not understand that this is a sharp layer of the old one. Someone even learned about the revolution only a few days later. For many, she passed unnoticed. People went to work in the same way as before.

But gradually the life of Petrograd began to change enough. The change of power passed in the city itself at all is not so painless, as it is considered. Kerensky, unlike Nikolai II and his brother Mikhail Alexandrovich, was not going to give up without a fight. He went to Pskov - to the headquarters of the Northern Front - to seek support from the army. Together with the parts of the 3rd equestrian building and their commander, General Krasnov, they approached the city itself, to Pulkovsky heights, where they were stopped: the fight took place in the area between the Alexandrovskaya and Observatory.

And in the city itself was restless. On October 29, a Junker uprising occurred, the scale of which is also often underestimated. Junckers, for example, managed to arrest one of the members of the government - Antonova-Ovseenko. There were urban battles, artillery beat a direct vendor on Vladimir Junker's school on the Petrograd side.

- And ordinary residents somehow participated in these events?

Fights walked at different points of the city: in those areas, people, of course, tried not to stick out. In the rest of the city dwellers lived in the main mass of the usual life: the same went to work or somewhere else, where they needed. But even if the revolution did not particularly influence their life, now they have already purely visually, they have already become encountered with its consequences at least in the form of these fights. Agree, it is difficult not to notice the shooting artillery tools within the city.

It is also worth noting that almost immediately the revolution touched those who are called "former," representatives of the elite, nobility, wealthy people, former officials. They first felt household discomfort because of the new government.

- That is, stories about the cooking robbery and laddering from the Bolsheviks is the truth?

It is necessary to take into account that by 1917 in Petrograd there was a very heavy food situation. Often food lacked, and people survived who could. Sometimes trying to pick up "superfront" where it seemed to them, it was.

In general, 1918-1919 is not the most pleasant time from the point of view of urban history. The street could get to those who went, for example, in Pensne - it was considered something like an image accessory bourgeois. On the street could rob, could kill, could take away clothes. With clothing in the city it was especially difficult, and on a walk you could easily lose the fur coats or coats. Therefore, the townspeople tried not to stand out among the passers-by their appearance. Everyone tried to disguise under the average resident of Petrograd, preferably under the worker. It was safer than.

- This image of a medium inhabitant has changed a lot after the revolution?

Sure. This follows from the general socio-economic situation in the city. All memoirists of those years have noted that people in the city look awful. Clothes and shoes were strongly worn out. During the Civil War, the appearance of citizens was very unsightly.

- This situation continued the whole war?

It was difficult in 1918 and 1919, a little better became in 1920. The main problem of those years was the food situation due to war and permanent change of power in the regions. If you try to make a sad rating of the worst periods in the history of our city, then the blockade will be in the first place, and in the second, the years of the civil war. People did not die from dystrophy, as in terrible blockade days, but there was not enough food. People received 30-50% of the daily norm and died from diseases from which they would have been recovered under normal conditions.

In addition, the sewage was not working, because in winter the pipe was frozen and burst. The city switched to furnace heating. Bourgeiska stove - the invention of that time. To drown the stoves, people disassembled wooden houses and bridges.

There were many other problems. There was almost no electricity in the city. Many enterprises stopped, trams almost did not go. Almost nothing could be bought from the clothes. Plus, at that time there was very high inflation, and there were many types of money in circulation - and Kerenki, and royal rubles, and so on. Therefore, even if you had money, it was not always possible to buy something. Natural exchange widely entered life.

Is it possible to allocate some scenes described in memoirs that brighter show the life of the city in those years?

There is a bright scene showing that after the revolution, the city began to clean very badly. Urban services then almost did not work, there was no one to clean the snow. One memoist recalled that snow was so much that it was possible to climb into a snowdrift and searcate from the gas lamp. In addition, rivers and canals were very polluted. It was so much garbage that ships could only walk on the main part of the Neva.

Detail from the area of \u200b\u200bfood problems - people, as later in the blockade, had to invent new ways to feed themselves. The bread was made with various impurities, sawdust - rye flour sometimes made up only 15%. People baked cakes from coffee grounds and potato skins, felt ate with her head and bones, grinding them. No spoiled products were missed. With all this, the Bolshevik bureaucracy was in a completely different position - it supplied much better food.

Abuse from the New Authority began almost immediately. The city bureaucracy began to actively use its privileges: they fed normally, when the city lived the injignment, drove into the theaters on cars, although it was prohibited due to a gasoline deficiency.

Or take a situation with alcohol. With the beginning of the First World War, in 1914, a dry law was introduced, which Soviet power extended until 1923. It was impossible to produce and sell alcohol - the city authorities actively fought it during the civil war. But one day was caught a drunk commandant of the city of Shatov. There were many such situations.

- The introduction of a dry law generally changed the life of the city?

People were looking for alcohol throughout the city. Many pharmacies were closed due to the ban on private trading, and some drugs from there entered the black market. They were actively bought. Self-opposite was very common. The ban of alcohol also led to the fact that people were looking for other ways to fade themselves - the use of cocaine and morphine jumped in the city. Especially widespread in Petrograd had cocaine. Morphy was to a greater degree of physicians.

- Against the background of such problems, people did not think about the fact that with the king was better?

You see, against the background of extreme events such as a revolution and civil war, people think a little different categories. In addition, it was not only bad. For example, the same workers received more opportunities - housing, 8-hour working days, participation in elections, the opportunity to receive education, go to the theater. In the city, in those years there was a card system, and the workers received bundles on the first class.

Another important point: the concept of building a future equitable society owned minds. People said that now, of course, bad, but the world revolution will come, we will win and heal. You only need to suffer a little. Plus propaganda played on the fact that we are the first state of workers and peasants. Previously, we were all exploited, and now we ourselves make decisions.

- But those who lived well before the revolution, so obviously did not think. How did they survive in such conditions?

Someone sold out and leaving Petrograd, someone began to cooperate with the authorities. But in general, they, of course, had difficulty. They were often closed in housing or even kicked out of their own homes. They gave them the worst soldering and the only way out remained a black market. But to buy in the black market was also dangerous - it was possible to get under the region. Yes, and money is not infinite, no matter how much you have accumulated.

- The same people before the revolution owned income homes. How did they take away housing?

In March 1918, a famous resolution was adopted about the maximum of living space - one room per person or two children. There were house committees who watched who watched who lives, and passed this information to the top. As a result, someone had accommodation housing, and someone, on the contrary, were given.

Petersburg 100 years ago: how to hand over and filmed housing to revolution

Where and how the rooms were looking for the rooms, where it was fashionable to live, who inhabited the house from the basement to the attic and what meant "good apartment for middle class" at the beginning of the 20th century.

But in general, in Petrograd, the housing is not acquired such a scale as, for example, in Moscow. First of all, because the number of population has been very strongly reduced. If in 1914 there was a little more than 2 million, and during the First World War it increased to almost 2.5 million, then with the beginning of the revolution, a sharp decline begins - during the civil war in the city there lived 600-700 thousand people. People simply left against the background of all the events, and there was a lot of free housing.

In most cases, the extension of the living space was required by the workers, which before that lived in the barracks (hostels) or removed the corners. They lived not far from factories and factories, which worked, that is, as a rule, on the outskirts of the city. At the same time, the "bourgeois" housing, withdrawable or empty, on the contrary, was almost always located in the center of the city, where the workers were not at all burned with the desire to move - it is very far to go to work. In addition, transportation in those years normally did not actually worked.

- In Petrograd, some cultural life remained?

Petrograd after the revolution is a very non-standard city. There was almost nothing of what we were used to. There was practically no transportation, heating and electricity, but at the same time a cultural life was carried out in the city. Theaters, museums, concerts. He spoke Shalyapin. Although a large number of theaters had to be closed due to the lack of fuel, but Mariinsky and Alexandrinsky worked. Especially power tried to bring workers in the culture.

Separately, you need to say about education. Despite all the difficulties, many educational institutions continued to work. Of course, the number of students has decreased significantly, but those who wanted to study. But scientists and teachers were in the years of civil war in a terrible position. They were not classic "bourgeois", they had no big money, but at the same time they looked the same way: they went in ties, someone in Pensna, in general, dressed "in Burzhuy". They accounted for very hard. In Petrograd, several prominent scientists and teachers died during the civil war. Someone survived, but we were arrested and everything is connected with this. It was very hard, but they tried to work. Given the conditions, it was a real feat.

You have already told several times that people robbed and killed on the streets. How did it happen? On the streets went to open gangs?

Of course, there was rampant crime. It always happens when the central government is weakened - everything is getting out, everything that before that could not get out. In addition, we have already talked about the general fall in the level of morality. The criminogenic environment in the city was heavy. She multiplied with a serious food situation and the inability of the young authority to restore order. All this led to the fact that the streets were unsafe. In the dark, it was better to stay at home.

A vivid example of what is happening may be the case with Uritsky - the future head of Petrograd CC. In March 1918, he was attacked on the street and robbed. If this could happen with one of the most prominent Bolshevik functionaries, what was the usual people? On the other hand, the society responded to the rampage of street crime in Petrograd. The crowd could simply catch some kind of criminal and confront in place, without trial and investigation.

- Does the people of Petrograd supported White on the background of everything that is happening on the streets?

Some kind of support was definitely. True, many of those who sympathized with White tried to get out of the city, flee to Finland or Pskov, which at that time was under German occupation. Of course, disloyal to Soviet power I had to be difficult, especially if the Bolsheviks had some suspicions - to them, as they say, could come.

The farther from October 1917, the more expensive to express opposition glances. It is clear that Maxim Gorky could say everything he thinks. Although his newspaper "New Life" soon closed. But ordinary people for the most part still tried to hide disagreement if it was.

The townspeople tried once again not to attract the attention of power to themselves, because they were essentially murdered and could face the situation when the arbitrariness of even the lower boss could put them in a very difficult life situation. To bring trouble, it was enough just not to please some local commander or boss.

Another trend was: after the revolution, the number of RKP (b) began to grow rapidly, including in Petrograd. People, feeling the seriousness of the Bolshevik intentions, went to the party - who is ideologous, and someone guided by household motives.

- Could people keep neutrality after the revolution? Or did it need to take some side?

I think it was frequent phenomenon. Personally, I have a feeling that the majority of the former citizens of the Russian Empire just did not take an active position. Many tried to threaten all horrors, tried to survive themselves and save their loved ones under difficult conditions. The active struggle was led by a minority of the population. This does not mean that there were few such people - just less than those who were politically passive.

How then would be with the theme of the Red Terror during the Civil War? Is it known how much was he spread in Petrograd?

Terror in Petrograd had a nationwide plane associated with the introduction of a red terror and an attempt on Lenin, and the regional associated with local events. For example, the murder of the chairman of the Petrograd CC Moses of Uritsky or the complexity of the military-political situation in the North-West.

In the second half of 1918, terror policy was actively conducted in Petrograd. Someone was arrested, someone was shot. There are no accurate reliable figures in my opinion. Part of the executions was covered by daily urban newspapers, but not all. It is known that Gleb Boky, Deputy Chairman of the Petrograd CCC Uritsky and the Chairman after his murder, in October 1918 called the figure of six more than thousands of arrested and about 800 killed. It seems that this figure is not complete.

Juncker on Palace Square, 1917

- Is the point of view that white supported the top layers of society?

This is a very strong simplification. The view is that the whole ex-elite was white, not quite right. A well-known fact - former officers in the Red Army were more than in all white armies combined. In addition, if you take, for example, the intelligentsia, then it traditionally adheres to the left looks in a large part. Not communist, of course, but left. Often, the intelligent was closer than the Bolsheviks, whom he may not love what the conditioned Kolchak. Often, especially at the initial stage of the Civil War, the intellectant rather chose a politically passive life with the Bolsheviks, rather than an active struggle with them, even if he disagreed with them.

On the other hand, it is also impossible to argue that all workers Petrograd are vigorously by the Bolsheviks. I think it will be fair to say that a significant part of the classic proletariat still did not sympathize with white. But at the same time, the worker could be Esser, could be a Menshevik. He could not like the style of the Bolshevik leadership, some specific steps or bad food position. Workers are not a monolithic class. In the same Petrograd, there were highly qualified workers who received big money before the revolution and could not shoot "angles", but whole houses. It is difficult to imagine that such a worker played for the equalization.

- Have the supporters of white other options, except to escape from Petrograd?

It was possible to stay. In Petrograd, at first there were many anti-Bolshevik underground organizations. True, it's hard to say about most of them, they kept some real activities. But some, for example, were directly involved in the organization of the White Army in Pskov.

It was also possible to go to the Soviet bodies and lead disruptive work. For example, there was a whole regiment on the protection of Petrograd, whose commanders, as we now know, from the very beginning there were opponents of Soviet power and appropriately gained in the regiment of people. For a long time they managed to hide from power frankly anti-Bolshevik mood of a significant part of personnel. As a result, when this regiment in 1919 performed against the white front, he actually moved to their side with the orchestra.

Someone tried to establish connections with the exploration of our former allies, first of all - the United Kingdom, and act with their help. And the sieres continued to do what was able to best - carry out acts of political terrorism against the current power.

- In general, Petrograd during the civil war for greater extent became the "city of workers", the earlier?

Many who amounted to the non-working population of the city left from the city. I left the representatives of the elite, the intelligentsia was partially left. Peasants left, who were not overhable in proletarians, and did not lose touch with the village. Therefore, over time, the number of the working population in relation to the rest has increased. The city has become more workers than before the revolution. In general, the overall social behavior in the city averaged. The townspeople often mimicated under the workers, even if they were not in reality: someone hid her origin, someone went on fashion. On the streets it was possible to hear the workers' slang more often, and the interests of workers in many ways became citywide.

- How did Petrograd have influenced the transfer of the capital to Moscow in 1918?

First of all, it is naturally departing the central authorities. In general, it is interesting that after the revolution in the city there has changed the center of power, that is, the place of the powerful structure of power structures. If he used to be located in the area of \u200b\u200bthe Winter Palace, then now moved to Smolny. When the capital was transferred to Moscow, Smolny ceased to be the All-Russian Center, but remained urban. And it is still preserved.

As for the city life, the movement of the capital made our city to some extent to the political periphery: the uprising of the left speakers, the attempts on Lenin - in a word, important on the state-growth event now occurred in Moscow.

- The city did not become poor because of this?

The city was poor because of the military-political situation around him, and not because of the transfer of the capital. This was not at all the main cause of urban problems.

Burning of royal characters, photo: Karl Bulla

During the civil war, there were many separatist movements. In Petrograd, there were no utopian projects of separation from Russia?

In the sense of separatism there. But in the early years after the revolution, regionalism was strong in the framework of Soviet Russia as the federation. In the RSFSR Petrograd for some time was the capital of the regional association of several provinces (Arkhangelsk, Petrograd, Olonetskaya, Vologda, Novgorod, Pskov and several others) - the Union of the Commune of the Northern Region. To a certain extent, it was an attempt of urban leadership to preserve for Petrograd at least some metropolitan status. I did not want to become the usual provincial center.

If we talk about national separatism, there was a problem with the Ingermanland Finns. One part of them in 1919 gathered to the Ingermanland regiment and tried to fight for the creation of the Ingermanland Republic, fighting against the Bolsheviks on the southern shore of the Gulf of Finland, along with the White and Estonian army. They fought as if on the side of Belykh, however, they did not particularly trust them and feared them no less than the red. All the fact that in the summer of 1919, during the so-called spring-summer onset of white on Petrograd, in the days of the anti-Hishevory uprising on the Forte, a red hill between white and intermanland people showed a rather acute conflict, as a result of which white could not be able to assist the rebel fortune And the uprising failed. This is perhaps the only episode when the Ingermanlanders were able to enter the forefront of the struggle of white and red for Petrograd.

Ingermanlanders on another part of the Gulf of Finland, on the border with Finland, reached more and were able to even proclaim the creation of their own state - the Republic of Northern Ingria, but this state education was quickly eliminated.

"There were stigma separatists": Why Ingermanland Finns and regionalists from "Free Ingria" are not the same people

As the contradiction arose between the Finns and regionalists and why activists who speakers the autonomy of St. Petersburg, go to stocks precisely under the flag of Ingermanland

- Is it possible to allocate key events in the civil war, because of which everything ended with the victory of the Bolsheviks?

If we talk about our city, then I think it is 1919, when white were very close to the capture of Petrograd. They were on the most approaches. But whether they had real chances - a discussion question. They could take Petrograd, but it would be hard to keep it. Petrograd is a big city with a large number of the work population, which has little sympathized with white. And in the north-western army at the peak of its power there was only about 20 thousand bayonets. With such an army, it is difficult to defend the city. And still need to protect the order in it - even Soviet power had to have at least 6-7 thousand militiamen. But taking the city white with a good coincidence of circumstances could.

In the memoirs of the White Guards there is a symbol that pooes from one book to another, - Dome of St. Isaac's Cathedral. White were so close to the city that they could see in their binoculars the glitter of the dome in the rays of the sun. Best of all, this was described by Kuprin in his story "Dome of St. Isaacia Dalmatsky". They had the feeling that Petrograd was about to be taken. They even managed to think in advance how to feed the population of the former capital: the American company has been ordered large foods in food. But it did not work out.

An important role was played by the fact that White failed to cut the railway line Petrograd - Moscow in the area of \u200b\u200bTosno, and reinforcement was constantly informed. I think that, from a military point of view, it was a turning point on the front. After losing an offensive initiative and stopping, they turned out to be all in a more severe position every day, since the numerical advantage of the red troops constantly grew.

- If you take Petrograd a real opportunity, could it be white to win in the whole in the war?

It seems to me that the chance could appear only on condition if on all fronts white fell simultaneously. In reality, the offensive was happening at different times, and the red, occupying the central region, managed to throw troops to that front, where the situation became threatening. At first, the slogan "Everything is on the fight against Kolchak!", Then - "Everything is on the fight against Denikin!".

- What is the role that the war passed and ended exactly the way, was played by foreign intervention?

It must be said that the degree of foreign intervention in Soviet times was greatly exaggerated. It was not directly such a huge number of foreign soldiers who would carry white power on their bosies. Almost always it was a very limited contingent.

But, on the other hand, in many places without foreign interference, the white armies could not be sorgrate. For example, near the same Petrograd, the White Army was formed in Pskov, occupied by German troops, while the Germans gave white money, weapons and gear. In the creation of the center of the Civil War in the north, the British played a major role. Czech Slovak rebellion served as a match found the confrontation in the east of the country. But there can be no doubt that the outcome of the Civil War decided in the confrontation of Russian people among themselves.

- When did Petrograd begin to return to ordinary life after the war?

In 1918 and 1919, Petrograd is a front-line city. It is constantly in close proximity to the fighting. The Germans are coming, then in Finland restlessly, then the White Guards attack. In 1920, the city was far from the main fronts, but at the beginning of 1921 a new test - the Kronstadt rebellion. That is, almost all the time the city was near the front. Traditionally it is believed that positive changes in the life of Petrograd began after the introduction of NEP in 1921. The situation began to slowly improve. By the mid-1920s, the city came to life and began to go to the pre-revolutionary indicators.

If you do not take it all the historical significance, is there much of the time in our modern life from the time of the Civil War?

If we say that on the surface, then these are changes in Russian, revolutionary Novoyaz. All abbreviations and abbreviations, and the terms of the time in general, which entered our language. In addition, of course, art remained in all its diversity. The same campaign posters are still considered very strong works. I constantly meet fonts explicitly drawn from them, especially in advertising. Literature, of course: "The dog's heart", probably, the best portrait of the era, let and not Petrograd is depicted on it.

If you go specifically to St. Petersburg, it is the movement of the center of urban power into Smolny. Marso field, which served as a place for military parades, became a revolutionary necropolia. I suspect that young married couples come back there to a photo session on a wedding day, do not always be aware that it is, in fact, a cemetery.

The funeral of those killed during the February Revolution on the Marsfield

In Toponyimik, we have many names of that time. Not only in the city, but also in the area: for example, the village of Tolmachevo. There are strange examples of toponymic solutions: for example, the White Strong settlement, which was called so even before the revolution, when no White Guards existed. After the revolution, he was renamed Red Strugs only because he was busy for some time with white troops. He is now so called.

From those years a lot has remained than we still use, without thinking. Railway branch to Veliky Novgorod, passing through Novolisino. Now there are trains on it and dackets go, and built it at the very end of the royal time and partly in the revolutionary era. During the First World War, Petrograd - Eagle, bypassing Moscow, was going to build the capital and front. But they managed to build only a plot to Veliky Novgorod.

Of the architecture from the period of civil war in the city, nothing special remains. Some capital construction in the city was not conducted, there were no building materials even for repair. On the contrary, part of the development stopped existence - especially wooden, which disassembled on firewood. What else remains? Cruiser "Aurora", of course. True, it was essentially new, but it is in the place where [Aurora really was really stood].

- Why do you think about the revolution comes out of books and works, but about the civil war talking less?

Because the Civil War is a thing that split society, and to a certain extent this split is still not overcome. Although I would not say that there is so little work about the civil war. It turns out little on our region, in the northwest, and very many literature in the south and east. Many science - unfortunately, not always high quality. If an era is interesting, but there is no hunt to read dry scientific talmudes, then I urge everyone to turn to the memoir literature. I assure you that Denikin and Trotsky will give odds to any modern journalist.

On the next granite plate, Marso field engraved the names of two people whose death happened to the difference of 14 years. During this time, people were changed, disappeared from world maps of the country, but the state went with tremendous steps and strengthened their positions to which was destined to move the most difficult tests in the 20th century and exist until the end of 1991. This time we will tell about the revolutionary figure buried on the Mars Moses Uritsky.

Moses Solomonovich Uritsky was born on January 2, 1873 in the Ukrainian city of Cherkasy. The big Jewish merchant family brought up Moses in a strict religious Jewish spirit. The boy was faded with Russian language and literature, entered the gymnasium, and then at the Faculty of Faculty of the Kiev University. There began his revolutionary activities. In 1898, Uritsky joined the Russian Social Democratic Workers Party and became one of the leaders of the Kiev branch of the RSDLP. A year later, he was arrested and exiled to the Yakut province, then referenced to Vologda and the Arkhangelsk province. In 1908, Uritsky sent abroad. He lived in Germany, Sweden and Denmark and worked as a personal secretary of Georgy Plekhanov. In Russia, he returned only by 1912.

At first, Uritsky was adjacent to the Mensheviks, but then made a choice in favor of the Bolsheviks. After February 1917, he returned from Denmark to Petrograd and was immediately elected a member of the PCDRP Central Committee (b). In August 1917, Moses Uritsky introduced the Bolsheviks for elections to the Constituent Assembly. A couple of weeks later, he was elected vowels of the Petrograd City Duma. At that time, he consisted of several newspapers.

The first People's Commissar of the Education of the RSFSR Anatoly Lunacharsky recalled Uritsky and his highly appreciated:

« Not everyone is known to truly the Giant Role of the Military Revolutionary Committee in Petrograd, starting from about October 20 to Half November. The culmination point of this superhuman organizational work was days and nights from 24 to the end of the month. All these days and nights Moses Solomonovich did not sleep. There was a handful of people around him, too much strength and endurance, but they were tired, changed, carried partial work, - Uritsky, with red from insomnia with eyes, but all the same calm and smiling, remained at the post in the chair, to which all the threads and Where did all the directives of the then sudden, unwolked, but powerful revolutionary organization diverged.

I then looked at the activities of Moses Solomonovich as a real miracle of efficiency, composure and intelligence. I now continue to consider this page of his life of a kind of miracle. But this page was not the last. And even its exceptional brightness does not overshadow the pages of the following».

In November and December 1917, Uritsky was appointed a member of the collegium of the People's Commissariat of the Interior. Then Moses Solomonovich entered the emergency military headquarters, which was created to organize the protection of order in Petrograd in the days of the convening of the Constituent Assembly. And in January 1918, he was among the initiators of the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly.

The Bolsheviks arose about the conclusion of peace in the First World War. Moses Uritsky was confident that the world of the proletarian state with a bourgeoisie would be unacceptable. He signed a statement to the group of members of the Central Committee and Commissaries to the meeting on February 22, 1918:

« The presentation of the German imperialists, disclaimed the purpose of suppressing the proletarian revolution in Russia, the Central Committee of the Party replied consent to conclude the world on the conditions that a few days before that were rejected by the Russian delegation in Brest. This consent given at the first on the first of the enemies of the proletariat enemies is the surrender of an advanced squad of the international proletariat before the international bourgeoisie. Demonstrating the impotence of the proletarian dictatorship in Russia before the whole world, it strikes the case of an international proletariat, especially cruel at the time of the revolutionary crisis in Western Europe, and at the same time he puts the Russian revolution aside from international movement. The decision to conclude the world by all means, taken under the pressure of small-bourgeois elements and petty-bourgeois sentiment, inevitably entails the loss by the proletariat leadership and within Russia. Withdrawals from the scope of the economic program of the Soviet power, which we will be forced to make at the conclusion of peace for the capital of Germanic origin, will reduce the work of socialist construction done by the proletariat since the October Revolution. The passing of the position of the proletariat in the midst of the inevitably prepares for delivery and inside».

According to the memoirs of Lunacharsky:

« Uritsky was a hot opponent of the world with Germany. This embodiment of the coolness said usually with a smile: "Is it really not better to die with honor?"

But at the nervous of some left communists M. S. answered calmly: "Party discipline primarily!" Oh, for him it was not an empty phrase!».

Despite the fact that the decision of the exit from the war was not supported by Uritsky, later he was still obeying party discipline. In March 1918 he was appointed Chairman of the Petrograd CC, and from April, he added him the post of addict of the internal affairs of the Northern Region. At these posts, Moses Uritsky became the real incarnation of evil for many people. However, in fact, a few knew that Uritsky tried to prevent the death penalty, unless exceptional measure.

« By connecting in their hands and the emergency commission and commissionariat of the internal affairs, and largely a leading role in foreign affairs, he was the most terrible enemy of the thieves and the robbers of imperialism of all the masters and all varieties.

They knew what mighty enemy had in it. His alternates hated for whom he was the embodiment of the Bolshevik terror».

A red button for the announcement of repression could be June 20, 1918, when a commissioner for printing, agitation and propaganda V. Volodar was killed in Petrograd. The next day, Smolny gathered workers' delegations who demanded that exactly, but the words of Uritsky turned out to be convincing: he called for moderation. Repressions this time managed to avoid.

At the II Congress of the Councils of the Northern Region, Sverdlov and Leo Trotsky, approved a resolution that was allowed no discouraging executions. Moses Uritsky could not challenge a decision supported by most delegates.

Uritsky spent the night at home, on the 8th line of Vasilyevsky Island. Got up early. Near the house I was already waiting for the car. The caring owner of the apartment paid attention that Moses Solomonovich did not have breakfast, and literally imposed him a small bag with sandwiches. In the car near the chauffeur, Shatov sat, commandant Petrograd CC. So, brought something important. " - Scriabin M.E., Gavrilov P. N. Shining can be - only burning: a story about M. Uritsky. - M., 1987 .

The 22-year-old poet Leonid Kenegisser came on a bike to the Winter Palace, asked the Swiss about the opportunity to get to the reception to Uritskom, failed him in the lobby of the People's Commissariat of the internal affairs of Petrocommums about 20 minutes and fired his victim in the head. The young man could well calmly leave the murder's place, but heathed and quickly drove a bike with a revolver in his hands instead of getting lost in the crowd. The killer was detained.

According to one version, Leonid Kenegisser killed Moses Uritsky for the execution of his old friend, on the other - Leonid consisted of an underground anti-Bolshevik group, which was headed by his cousin who supported close relations with Boris Savinkov. It is likely that it was Savinkov who ordered the murder of a prominent leader of the new state. As a result, the Bolsheviks declared Channelist member of the Social Party and in October shot. The true intentions of the cannegistra are still unknown.

On the same day, on August 30, 1918, Fanny Kaplan fired several times in Lenin, who performed the workers at the Mikhelson plant.

The decision of the SNK RSFSR states:

« ... With this situation, the provision of rear by terror is a direct necessity; that in order to strengthen the activities of the All-Russian emergency commission to combat counter-revolution, speculation and a crime on office and making greater compounds, it is necessary to direct there with a greater number of responsible party comrades; that it is necessary to provide the Soviet republic from class enemies by isolating them in concentration camps; What are subject to execution all persons tested to the White Guard organizations, conspiracies and rebellion; that it is necessary to publish the names of all those shown, as well as the basis of the application of this measure to them».

In the fall, the first issue of the "Weekly of Emergency Commissions to Combat Council and Specification of September 22, 1918" was published, where Grasskin wrote:

« The murder of Comrade Uritsky, an attempt on his friend Lenin, the conspiracy of the right-wing essences with the allies there is a clear indicator that those mentioned above the groups of persons who are the oligarchy of their class beaten right into the goal, trying to upset, but ultimately and take possession of the state authority.

Against these persons and even groups will certainly be a merciless red terror, as a temporary exclusive measure; But only terror is not in words, as it was before, but in fact, it is quite obvious that the accurate ideologists of the hostile proletariat class and their minions, as people who do not want to voluntarily obey and reconcile with their approaching normal death, these people should be destroyed the strength of proletarian weapons and it would be naive to think that it would happen otherwise».

So, the murder of Moses Uritsky and the attempt on Vladimir Lenin will become the last straw for the beginning of a red terror. Later, the name Uritsky called the streets, villages, palaces, squares, parks and cinemas. Palace Square in St. Petersburg from 1918 to 1944 was called "Uritsky Square". Moses Uritsky buried on a Marsfield. In 2014 and 2015, on the stove, where the name of the revolutionary is engraved, unknown with the help of spray cans wrote the word "executioner".

Material prepared Nadezhda Drozdov

Human Ball Moses Uritsky

29.07.2018

Human Ball Moses Uritsky

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On August 30, 1918, in the former capital of the Russian Empire, the chairman of the Petrograd CC Moses Uritsky was killed. His murderer - Ester (in the past - "People's Socialist") and a student, poet and friend Sergey Yesenin Leonid Kenegisser after the attempt I tried to be inexperienced, was grasped and shot in October of the same year.

The death of Uritsky and the wound of V. Lenin in Moscow served as a starting point of deploying a large "red terror". From the most different classes were held hostages and they quickly deprived life. The bill went on hundreds of emulsioned souls. According to the statements of the Bolsheviks themselves, the fight against counter-revolution has unfolded.

However, Leonid Kenegisser and Fanny Kaplan, shot at the "leader of the world proletariat," were not monarchists or even liberals. They also belonged to a revolutionary camp, only to another political smoke.

The same Kenegisser met the overthrow of the legitimate power in Russia in February 1917 with delight. And even wrote quite revolutionary poems:

"Then the blissful entrance

In a suicide and joyful dream

I remember - Russia. Freedom.

Kerensky on a white horse. "

But no one knows now, whether Leonid Kenegisser recalled in the fall of 1918 before the execution of Alexander Fedorovich Kerensky on a white horse ...

The memory of the chairman of the Petrograd CC of the People's Commissars of Enlightenment A. V. Lunacharsky dedicated the following lines: "The February offensive of the Germans broke out. Forced to leave, the Council of People's Commissar placed on the remaining responsibility for Petrograd in the almost desperate position. "It will be very difficult for you," Lenin said remaining, "but Uritsky remains," and this reassured.

Since then, the skillful and heroic struggle of Moses Solomonovich with counter-revolution and speculation in Petrograd began.

How many curses, how many accusations looked on his head during this time! Yes, he was Grozen, he led to despair not only with his inefficibility, but also his inquiry. By connecting in their hands and an emergency commission, and the internal affairs commissariat, and largely a leading role in foreign affairs, he was the most terrible enemy of the thieves and the robbers of imperialism of all the masters and all varieties.

They knew what mighty enemy had in it. His alley hated, for whom he was the embodiment of the Bolshevik terror.

But we, who stood close to him closely, we know how much generosity was in it and how he knew how to combine the necessary cruelty and power with genuine kindness. Of course, there was neither a drop of sentimentality, but there was a lot of kindness in it. We know that his work was not only hard and ungrateful, but also tormented. "

In Lunacharsky, Uritsky is represented by a revolutionary leader, inclined to humanism. What is very unusual for the head of the punitive organ.

Unlike his killer, Moses Solomonovich Uritsky does not seem so a colorful figure. Yes, and his biography should be recognized as ordinary for a revolutionary figure.

He was born in 1873 in the city of Cherkasy Kiev province. The Jewish merchant family was quite secured and, although the father lost his father in three years, it did not particularly affect the material situation. In orphanage, Uritsky received religious education, studied the Talmud and was probably preparing for the career of rabbi. Something similar we can observe in biographies and other revolutionaries and terrorists: Joseph Stalin studied in Orthodox educational institutions, and Felix Dzerzhinsky dreamed of becoming a Ksenzom (Catholic priest). However, the rabbinate from Moses Uritsky did not come out. He went to a purely secular path, first finished by a gymnasium, and then Kiev University in 1897. Now the Uritsky has already seemed attractive legal Niva. But, it is, at the university, a student Uritsky binds to revolutionary terrorists and socialists, and in 1898 it enters into the ranks of Russian social democrats.

In 1899, it is arrested for its activities and refers to Yakutia, where he gets to Felix Dzerzhinsky.

Interestingly, being in prisons, references or at the stage, Uritsky enjoys support for criminals. From the memories it is possible to find out that this, the MOL "Political" prisoner reached due to the high moral spirit and knowledge of the laws of the Empire. But the truth turns out to be more banal - Uritsky has always been the money. And he had the opportunity through them to influence both the criminals and the prison administration.

From history it is known that future revolutionaries pulls uncontrollably, it is, to legal education. And, if you look and check the lists of rebellious tops during the revolution of 1789 in France and February-October in Russia in 1917, it will be found that persons perfectly knew national laws constituted at least 70 percent of the adjustments of revolutions. So M. S. Uritsky and here it was not highlighted on a general background.

In 1905, he participated in revolutionary speeches. In St. Petersburg, he headed the group of militants in robbery.

However, more significant was the revolutionary "work" of Uritsky in Krasnoyarsk, where he visited the passage in September-October, returning to Central Russia from the Yakut link. Here he organized the agers, rallies and armed performances of revolutionaries. Moreover, the basis of the rebellion was the students, officials and railway workers, as well as the soldiers of the 2nd railway battalion. And against people who refused to adopt revolutionaries were used by the methods of moral and physical terror. The rebels tried to block the movement of trains through Krasnoyarsk and adjacent stations.

In November-December, when the main revolutionary events and clashes of Uritsky occurred in Krasnoyarsk, however, there was no longer anything to create a "Krasnoyarsk Republic", having left due to the concern of "worm pogroms".

In October 1917, M. S. Uritsky was a member of the Military Revolutionary Party Center and Petrograd VRK. After the coup, he was appointed to the collegium of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, and a little later by the Commissioner of the All-Russian Commission on the convening of the Constituent Assembly. So the acceleration of the constituent assembly and the bloody russell over the manifestation of his supporters, the result of which was the death of about 100 people (although no one did not consider the victims of the victims) in the account and Comrade Uritsky, he was part of a number with V. Lenin, I . Sverdlovy, N. Zubovsky and V. Bonch-Bruhevich in a specially created organ for the suppression of folk speeches.

At the conscience of Moses Uritsky and expulsion to Perm of the Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich in March 1918.

After the flight of the Bolshevik government from Petrograd to Moscow, Uritsky gradually focused on a huge power in his hands, heading not only the CC, but also becoming the Commissioner of the Interior Council of People's Commissars of the Petrograd Labor Commissal Commune, and then also by the Commissioner of the Council of Commissioners of the Union of Commune of the Northern Region.

At these posts, Uritsky "became famous" as the organizer of the terror of the population, a fighter with anti-Semitism and "class enemies".

In the XXI century, a number of historical works appeared, where M. S. Uritsky is trying to rehabilitate. For example, they say that he was a categorical opponent of executions without trial and investigation. That I mean differently a certain revolutionary humanism.

In the memoir literature, the next episode is given - Uritsky is accused of "softness", to which the latter answers: "I'm not a mild. If there is no other way out, I own hand shooting all the counter-revolutionaries and I will be completely calm. I am against executions because I consider them inexpedient. It will cause only angling and will not give positive results. " Good humanist - you will not say anything! But be that as it may, Moses Uritsky quietly signed and orders about arrest among civilians and shot lists.

But back to the attempt on Uritsky himself. There are two main hypothesis: Leonid Kenegisser consisted of an ECEROVA combat organization and performed an order to eliminate the Soviet executive of punitive organs or Kenegserser Mustil personally Writsky for the execution of his friend Vladimir Perelzweiger.

The first, in general, does not withstand any criticism, it was so silly and unprofessional murder organized. The second, it seems quite likely. But a squall of questions arises. M. S. Uritsky was a very careful person, and the Kenegisser penetrates the guarded building without problems. Before the attempt, Leonid is calling and talking to Uritsky (testimony M. Aldanova).

And further. The investigation officially established the following: "Establish exactly when it was decided to kill the Comrade of Uritsky, the emergency commission was failed, but the Comrade Uritsky himself knew for him. He was repeatedly warned and definitely pointed to the cannegisser, but Comrade Uritsky was too skeptical about it. He knew about Cannegisser, for the intelligence that was at his disposal. "

Why pointed to the bankssenther? And why did the skepticism manifested with Uritsky? The answer can only be one - Uritsky knew his potential killer well and did not believe in the ability of Leonid to harm him.

The emigrant writer Grigory Petrovich Klimov (1918-2007) put forward the assumption that Moses Uritsky and Leonid Kenegisser were sexual partners. And the second killed the first of jealousy.

On the personal life of Uritsky from open sources, practically nothing is known. All information is scuba and nerazenny. But the following information was preserved about Kenegisser: "Leva loved to raise a good bourgeois, ashadowed by contempt for their morality, did not hide, for example, that he is a homosexual ...

Leva could quietly pronounce the duty phrase: "Such is too normal and healthy to be interesting." Pose, rice, coquetry? I admit. But by what kind of person depicts, who he wants to seem, can also be judged about his essence. Monologists Leva about the essence of the flesh, about free morality, about the right to "holy sinfulness" sometimes I resembled such a cheaply as the "happiness keys" of Verbicky. " (From the memories of N. G. Bluemenfeld).

However, there is a fourth hypothesis. M. S. Uritsky was laid on the altar of an inseparent fight among the Bolsheviks themselves.

It is impossible not to notice the words of the same Lunacharsky: "Moses Solomonovich Uritsky treated Trotsky with great respect. He said ... that, like a poor Lenin, but begins to fill up next to the genius of Trotsky. " Also Ulyanov-Lenin did not know the views of Uritsky. So the head of the Moses Solomonovich's PCC was left in St. Petersburg, because it was thought that the Germans would enter the northern capital and the murders were organized on the principle of "who is not sorry", just a reason for the unleashing of terror in an all-Russian scale. The party struggle was Bashing on Bash: Some pushing the bankssenther to the attack on Uritsky, others - Kaplan to the attempt on Ilyich.

The genuine history of the 1917 revolution is not written and not all archives are disclosed. So the death of Uritsky continues to be a mystery. Only things lie to him one of the black spots on Russian history. And on the streets of our cities still hang signs with the name M. S. Uritsky. The humane executioner turns out and now appreciate more than people who really served the Fatherland and those who died for him. Try to calculate how many in your city or village there are streets or squares, named in the memory of the heroes of the II of the Patriotic War (1914-1918) and in honor of the revolutionaries-terrorists. The numbers themselves will say for themselves ...